This paper assesses the performance of democratic leadership in the Nigerian state in sub-Saharan Africa to determine if democracy dividends accrue to the citizens. The study suggests that in the fight against corruption, the government must guarantee the independence of the anticorruption institutions and fix the socioeconomic factors plaguing the nation. Evidence from the descriptive statistical outputs of the moderator factors such as corruption, inflation, infrastructure and insecurity suggests a deleterious moderation in the relationship between ‘democratic leadership performance’ and ‘democracy dividends’. Thus, the diminutive influence of the former on the latter potentially leaves the citizens vulnerable.
AbbsL (2020) The hunger games: food prices, ethnic cleavages, and nonviolent unrest in Africa. Journal of Peace Research57(2): 281–296.
2.
AdangorZ (2018) Proscription of the indigenous people of Biafra IPOB and the politics of terrorism in Nigeria. The Journal of Jurisprudence and Contemporary Issues10(1): 101.
3.
AdelajaAGeorgeJ (2019) Terrorism and land use in agriculture: the case of Boko Haram in Nigeria. Land Use Policy88: 104116.
4.
AghedoIOsumahO (2015) Insurgency in Nigeria: a comparative study of Niger Delta and Boko Haram uprisings. Journal of Asian and African Studies50(2): 208–222.
5.
AjalaO (2020) New drivers of conflict in Nigeria: an analysis of the clashes between farmers and pastoralists. Third World Quarterly41(12): 2048–2066.
6.
AkeC (1990) ‘The Case for Democracy’. The Carter Center: African Governance in the 1990s: Objectives, Reserves and Constraints. Atlanta: The Carter Center of Emory University.
7.
AkeC (2000) Feasibility of Democracy in Africa. Dakar, SN: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.
8.
AkinolaAA (1988) Nigeria: the quest for a stable polity: another comment. African Affairs87(348): 441–445.
9.
AkinyeleRT (2001) Ethnic militancy and national stability in Nigeria: a case study of the Oodua People’s Congress. African Affairs100(401): 623–640.
10.
AlbertOAbadaIAdibeR (2021) Crony capitalism in Nigeria: the case of patronage funding of the Peoples Democratic Party and the power sector reform, 1999–2015. Review of African Political Economy48(170): 581–608.
11.
AlsamaraMMrabetZHatemiJA (2020) Pass-through of import cost into consumer prices and inflation in GCC countries: evidence from a nonlinear autoregressive distributed lags model. International Review of Economics & Finance70: 89–101.
12.
AndreevSA (2005) Conceptual definitions and measurement indicators of the quality of democracy: An overview. Working paper, EUI RSC,2005/05, Florence: European University Institute.
13.
AsogwaBE (2013) Electronic government as a paradigm shift for efficient public services: Opportunities and challenges for Nigerian government. Library Hi Tech31(1): 141–159.
14.
BaumannF (2021) The next frontier – human development and the Anthropocene: UNDP Human Development Report 2020. Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development63(3): 34–40.
15.
BlaugR (ed.) (2016) Democracy: A Reader. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
16.
BonaiutoMFornaraFAriccioS, et al. (2015) Perceived residential environment quality indicators (PREQIs) relevance for UN-HABITAT City Prosperity Index (CPI). Habitat International45: 53–63.
BrettschneiderC (2006) The value theory of democracy. Politics, Philosophy & Economics5(3): 259–278.
19.
BuchananJMTullockG (1965) The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy. Vol. 100. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan press.
20.
ChizemaAPogrebnaG (2019) The impact of government integrity and culture on corporate leadership practices: evidence from the field and the laboratory. The Leadership Quarterly30(5): 101303.
21.
CollierDLevitskyS (1997) Democracy with adjectives: conceptual innovation in comparative research. World Politics49(3): 430–451.
22.
DanfulaniUHDFwatshakSU (2002) Briefing: the September 2001 events in Jos, Nigeria. African Affairs101(403): 243–255.
23.
DasJDiRienzoCE (2012) Global peace and repression: a cross-country analysis. Global Change, Peace & Security24(2): 271–287.
24.
DiamondL (2002) Elections without democracy: thinking about hybrid regimes. Journal of Democracy13(2): 21–35.
25.
DiamondLPlattnerMF (eds) (2012) Liberation Technology: Social Media and the Struggle for Democracy. Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press.
26.
DiRienzoCE (2019) The effect of women in government on country-level peace. Global Change, Peace & Security31(1): 1–18.
27.
DodeOR (2010) Political parties and the prospects of democratic consolidation in Nigeria: 1999–2006. African Journal of Political Science and International Relations4(5): 188–194.
28.
DownsA (1957) An economic theory of political action in a democracy. Journal of Political Economy65(2): 135–150.
29.
EdgellABWilsonMCBoeseVA, et al. (2020) Democratic legacies: Using democratic stock to assess norms, growth, and regime trajectories. V-Dem Working paper 100. Gothenburg: University of Gothenburg.
30.
EjehEUBappahAIDankofaY (2020) Proscription of terrorism in Nigeria: a comparative legal study. Commonwealth Law Bulletin46(3): 367–390.
31.
EzeUCNdubisiNO (2013) Green buyer behavior: evidence from Asia consumers. Journal of Asian and African Studies48(4): 413–426.
32.
FawoleAOShahATongoO, et al. (2011) Determinants of perinatal mortality in Nigeria. International Journal of Gynecology & Obstetrics114(1): 37–42.
33.
FiedlerFE (1993) The leadership situation and the black box in contingency theories. In: Annual Claremont Mckenna College Leadership Conference:” The Future of Leadership Research: A Tribute to Fred Fiedler”, Claremont, CAAcademic Press.
34.
FredrikssonPGNeumayerE (2013) Democracy and climate change policies: is history important?Ecological Economics95: 11–19.
35.
GalloABSimões-MoreiraJRCostaHKM, et al. (2016) Energy storage in the energy transition context: a technology review. Renewable and Sustainable Energy Reviews65: 800–822.
36.
GarretsenHStokerJIWeberRA (2020) Economic perspectives on leadership: concepts, causality, and context in leadership research. The Leadership Quarterly31(3): 101410.
37.
GerringJThackerSCAlfaroR (2012) Democracy and human development. The Journal of Politics74(1): 1–17.
38.
GhazalianPLHammoudM (2021) The peace level of nations: an empirical investigation into the determining factors. Defence and Peace Economics32(5): 509–532.
39.
GidwaniV (2002) New theory or new dogma? A tale of social capital and economic development from Gujarat, India. Journal of Asian and African Studies37(2): 83–112.
40.
GrintK (2013) Historical perspective of leadership. In: CollinsonDLBrymanAGrintK, et al. (eds) The Sage Handbook of Leadership. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, pp. 3–14.
41.
HansenW (2017) Boko Haram: religious radicalism and insurrection in northern Nigeria. Journal of Asian and African Studies52(4): 551–569.
42.
HartleyJBeningtonJ (2013) Political leadership. In CollinsonDLBrymanAGrintK, et al. (eds) The Sage Handbook of Leadership (Chapter 15). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, pp. 203–214.
43.
HopkinJRodríguez-PoseA (2007) ‘Grabbing hand’ or ‘helping hand’?: corruption and the economic role of the state. Governance20(2): 187–208.
44.
HuntingtonSP (1991) Democracy’s third wave. Journal of Democracy2(2): 12–34.
45.
IbitoyeFIAdenikinjuA (2007) Future demand for electricity in Nigeria. Applied Energy84(5): 492–504.
46.
IgweIONwochaMESteveAA (2019) Enforcement of fundamental rights in Nigeria and the unsolved issue of poverty among the citizens: an appraisal. Beijing Law Review10: 1.
47.
Ijim-AgborU (2007) The Independent National Electoral commission as an (IM) partial umpire in the conduct of the 2007 elections. Journal of African Elections6(2): 79–94.
48.
JosephRA (2014) Democracy and Prebendal Politics in Nigeria. Vol. 56. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
49.
KnutsenCH (2010) Measuring effective democracy. International Political Science Review31(2): 109–128.
50.
Larkin JrPJ (2013) Public choice theory and overcriminalization. Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy36: 715.
51.
LeeKSParkSCKhoshnoodB, et al. (1997) Human development index as a predictor of infant and maternal mortality rates. The Journal of Pediatrics131(3): 430–433.
52.
LeviMD (2009) International Finance. 5th ed.London and New York: Routledge.
53.
LijphartA (1999) Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
54.
LindstedtCNaurinD (2010) Transparency is not enough: Making transparency effective in reducing corruption. International Political Science Review31(3): 301–322.
55.
Mansoob MurshedSMamoonD (2010) Not loving thy neighbour as thyself: trade, democracy and military expenditure explanations underlying India – Pakistan rivalry. Journal of Peace Research47(4): 463–476.
56.
MaslowAH (1943) A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review50(4): 370.
57.
MeagherK (2006) Social capital, social liabilities, and political capital: social networks and informal manufacturing in Nigeria. African Affairs105(421): 553–582.
58.
MechkovaVLührmannALindbergSI (2017) How much democratic backsliding?Journal of Democracy28(4): 162–169.
59.
MillerMK (2015) Electoral authoritarianism and human development. Comparative Political Studies48(12): 152. DOI: 10.1177/0010414015582051
60.
Nyong’oPA (1992) Africa: the failure of one-party rule. Journal of Democracy3(1), 90–96.
61.
OchejePD (2018) Norms, law and social change: Nigeria’s anti-corruption struggle, 1999–2017. Crime, Law and Social Change70(3): 363–381.
62.
OhimainEI (2015) Diversification of Nigerian electricity generation sources. Energy Sources, Part B: Economics, Planning, and Policy10(3): 298–305.
63.
Olivier de SardanJP (1999) A moral economy of corruption in Africa?Journal of Modern African Studies37(1): 25–52.
64.
OlukojuA (2004) ‘Never expect power always’: electricity consumers’ response to monopoly, corruption and inefficient services in Nigeria. African Affairs103(410): 51–71.
65.
OlukoluROOgwezzy-NdisikaAOFaustinoBA, et al. (2019) Social Media, Regulation and Challenges of Communication in an Evolving Nigerian SocietyJournal of Media Law & Ethics7: 68.
66.
OmotolaJS (2010) Elections and democratic transition in Nigeria under the Fourth Republic. African Affairs109(437): 535–553.
67.
OsobaSO (1996) Corruption in Nigeria: historical perspectives. Review of African Political Economy23(69): 371–386.
PiazzaJA (2006) Rooted in poverty? Terrorism, poor economic development, and social cleavages. Terrorism and Political Violence18(1): 159–177.
70.
PintoACCMagalhãesPSousaLD (2012) Is the good polity attainable?–measuring the quality of democracy. European Political Science11(4): 447–455.
71.
PrzeworskiAAlvarezRMAlvarezME, et al. (2000) Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, 1950–1990. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
72.
PrzeworskiALimongiF (1993) Political regimes. The Journal of Economic Perspectives7(3): 51–69.
73.
RodriguezPUhlenbruckKEdenL (2005) Government corruption and the entry strategies of multinationals. Academy of Management Review30(2): 383–396.
74.
RoemerMGugertyMK (1997) Does Economic Growth Reduce Poverty?Cambridge, MA: Harvard Institute for International Development.
75.
SafaeiJ (2006) Is democracy good for health?International Journal of Health Services36(4): 767–786.
76.
SahleEN (ed.) (2017) Democracy, Constitutionalism, and Politics in Africa: Historical Contexts, Developments, and Dilemmas. Cham: Springer.
77.
SartoriG (1987) The Theory of Democracy Revisited. Vol. 2. London: Chatham House Publishers.
78.
ShawJS (2002) Public choice theory. In: HendersonDR (ed.) The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (pp. 1–7). Carmel, IN: Liberty Fund.
79.
ShethJN (2011) Impact of emerging markets on marketing: Rethinking existing perspectives and practices. Journal of Marketing75(4): 166–182.
80.
SmithDJ (2014) Corruption complaints, inequality and ethnic grievances in post-Biafra Nigeria. Third World Quarterly35(5): 787–802.
81.
SolowRM (1974) Intergenerational equity and exhaustible resources, review of economics study. The Review of Economic Studies41(5): 29–45.
82.
SuriTBoozerMARanisG, et al. (2011) Paths to success: the relationship between human development and economic growth. World Development39(4): 506–522.
83.
TellaO (2018) Boko Haram terrorism and counter-terrorism: the soft power context. Journal of Asian and African Studies53(6): 815–829.
84.
ThindaKTOgundejiAABelleJA, et al. (2021) Determinants of relevant constraints inhibiting farmers’ adoption of climate change adaptation strategies in South Africa. Journal of Asian and African Studies56(3): 610–627.
85.
TimmonsJF (2010) Does democracy reduce economic inequality?British Journal of Political Science40(4): 741–757.
86.
TleubayevAKozhakhmetS (2022) Short and medium-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the work outcomes of men and women: empirical evidence from Central Asia. Journal of Asian and African Studies57(5): 932–944.
87.
TodaroMP and United Nations Development Programme (1992) Human Development Report 1992. Population and Development Review1992: 359–363. https://doi.org/10.2307/1973685
88.
ToyinOS (2015) The impact of military coup d’etat on political development in Nigeria. International Journal of Business and Social Science6(10): 194–202.
89.
UcheC (2008) Oil, British interests, and the Nigerian civil war. The Journal of African History49(1): 111–135.
90.
UgwuezeMIOnuohaFC (2020) Hard versus soft measures to security: explaining the failure of counter-terrorism strategy in Nigeria. Journal of Applied Security Research15(4): 547–567.
91.
UkiwoU (2003) Politics, ethno-religious conflicts and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. Journal of Modern African Studies: 115–138.
