Abstract
Introduction
As with many strategic agricultural investments targeted at enhancing smallholder farmers and consumers’ livelihoods through genetic improvement of crop varieties, the goals of breeders have been two-fold: (i) enhancing productivity; and (ii) enhancing value and market access. In line with this, New Rice for Africa (NERICA) varieties with superior agronomic characteristics were bred and introduced in various African countries in the early 2000s. Blending traits from the African traditional and Asian varieties, NERICA varieties have superior agronomic characteristics such as better weed resistance, resilience against major African biotic and abiotic stresses, high fertilizer returns, and high yields (Wopereis et al., 2008). The popularity of NERICA across several regions of sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) has been staggering; about 700,000 hectares of NERICA varieties were estimated to have been cultivated in 2009, increasing to 1.4 million hectares in 2013 by 1 million farm households (Chuhan-Pole and Angwafo, 2011; Diagne et al., 2010; Rice Hub, 2020). The socioeconomic gains from NERICA adoption have also been impactful, with evidence of significant poverty alleviation successes among planters of the varieties (Arouna et al., 2017; Kijima et al., 2008).
Despite the advantages of NERICA and its potential to meet governments’ objective of boosting local rice production, initial adoption among farmers in Uganda was mixed; a significant number of early adopters gave up cultivation (Kijima et al., 2011). The moderate adoption was at the time pinned to restricted access to NERICA seeds and a challenging start to the implementation of the NERICA varieties’ program (Kijima et al., 2011). However, one NERICA variety, NERICA4, successfully managed to become one of the most popular upland rice varieties grown across Africa. NERICA4 is drought tolerant, has an early maturity, and is high yielding. These outcomes, thus, highlight the need to not only examine supply chain linkages for new crop varieties (Kijima et al., 2011), but to also integrate demand driven interventions, without which value chain developments could be hampered (Demont, 2013).
In Uganda, NERICA varieties were introduced in early 2002 (Fujiie et al., 2010; Kitanaka et al., 2009) and in 2015, the seeds of these varieties managed to gain the highest market share in the country, i.e. around 22% of all rice seed produced (Barungi and Odokonyero, 2016: 16). Similar to other countries, NERICA4 has been the most successful NERICA variety in Uganda, an outcome attributed to its drought and disease resistant properties (MAAIF, 2019; Matsumoto et al., 2014). A decade and a half after their introduction, it is time to draw retrospective lessons from NERICA to generate insights on the optimal breeding strategies for increasing smallholder farmers’ and consumers’ livelihoods through genetic improvement of crop varieties. Was the success due to increased smallholder productivity given improved agronomic traits, or the result of expanded access to urban markets driven by highly demanded market traits in the region such as, for example, fragrance (Mgendi et al., 2018)?
Defining the right breeding priorities for rice is of utmost importance, being a global staple for over half the world’s population with an exponential growth in consumption across many countries in SSA. Indeed, having recorded more than a 50% increase in per-capita rice consumption within these last decades, growth in SSA has been the fastest anywhere in the world (Mohanty, 2013). This increase has been driven by factors such as a growing population, dietary transitions, and convenience associated with cooking rice relative to other staples (Muthayya et al., 2014; Seck et al., 2012; Stryker, 2013). The questions raised are particularly important for Uganda, because consistent with the general trends in SSA, rice is growing in popularity in Uganda. It is not a traditional staple, but its growing prominence in urban Ugandan diets has been driven by some of the factors previously mentioned (Haggblade and Dewina, 2010). To meet rising demand, the country runs a high rice import bill; by some estimates this could average $90 million annually (Africa Rice Center, 2006). Aimed at cutting the rising imports of the staple and the consequent pressure on foreign reserves, the Ugandan government is currently developing a new National Rice Development Strategy (NRDS) under the Phase 2 of the Coalition for African Rice Development (CARD) to revamp local rice production with the goal of attaining self-sufficiency by 2030 (CARD, 2020).
Since their release, NERICA varieties have gradually reached urban markets in Uganda, where they currently tend to be sold unbranded and commingled with the variety
In 2011, the Africa Rice Center (AfricaRice) collected data based on controlled, non-hypothetical auction experiments with consumers in urban Uganda to predict potential market share and value of fragrant and non-fragrant NERICA varieties, relative to the two prevailing market standards
The contribution of this paper is to draw lessons in terms of breeding priorities based on a retrospective look at NERICAs in Uganda. Most of the literature on the impact of NERICAs focuses on the supply side (productivity), while to the best of our knowledge none of the studies has looked at the demand side. The novelty of our approach is that we are able to confront the supply side with the demand side a decade after market evidence was collected. This retrospective look enables us to draw important lessons for trait prioritization in breeding. This proves to be a worthwhile exercise because we find a discrepancy between what the 2011 evidence would have suggested to breeders and the reality a decade later.
Materials and methods
Experimental methods and sampling
Location and setup
To achieve the study’s objective, a dataset from framed field experiments that were conducted in October 2011 was employed. Women shoppers, estimated to be at least 18 years were targeted in
Experimental design
Four different rice varieties were anonymously displayed in plain white bags at the front of the experimental venue (a conference room): (i)
Characteristics and price of the four rice varieties.
* Prices for NERICA1 and NERICA4 reflect 2011 production and transportation costs, not market prices.
The second-price Vickrey auction (1961) was chosen, given its demand revealing properties (see for example, Alfnes and Rickertsen, 2003; Lusk and Shogren, 2007) and its advantage of inducing subjects to bid their true WTP for auctioned products. Following Melton et al. (1996) and Roosen et al. (1998), three auction rounds were conducted.
A trial auction round was first conducted using a commonly known brand of biscuits (cookies) to help familiarize participants with the auction process. Endowed with a small pack of Riham milk biscuits, each participant was asked how much they would be willing to pay to upgrade to two superior biscuits, Britania Milk biscuits and Britania Glucose biscuits. With the research team satisfied with participant understanding of the auction mechanism in the training session, each participant was endowed with 1 kg of the benchmark rice (
It was explained that only one product and one bidding round would be binding, a strategy intended to incentivize participants bidding their true values in each round. Sensory impacts of the rice varieties on the likelihood of upgrading and WTP were examined next. These were designed to allow participants to experience the quality attributes—aroma (fragrance), taste, texture, and stickiness—and swelling capacity of cooked rice for the three alternative varieties. An additional advantage of the sensory test—as with other procedures that have required consumption—was that it further contributed to minimizing hypothetical bias (similar to Britwum and Bernard, 2018; Lusk et al., 2004). In between tasting, participants cleansed their palates with water and then submitted WTP bids for the alternative rice types, again, with
As a final step, a common WTP bid agreed upon by participants in groups of fives were elicited, to upgrade each alternative variety from
Sample of participants
Summaries of participants’ attitudes and knowledge, some design-specific variables, and demographics are presented in Table 2. Participants’ awareness of NERICA was relatively low. Just about a third of participants had expressed some familiarity about the variety. Rice fragrance appeared to be an important attribute though among participants, with about 90% of them preferring fragrant rice. This is consistent with the general preference for aromatic rice in Eastern Africa and, more particularly in Tanzania (Mgendi et al., 2018), from where the aromatic rice variety
Variable names, definition, and descriptive statistics.
Close to 4 in 10 were traders by vocation. Although just a few of the participants (11%) were housewives, only 1 in 10 had a housemaid. Also, a small number of participants (13%) were restaurant operators and a considerable proportion (42%) were members of a social group. Hours spent cooking rice in a typical month were quite substantial among participants (176 hours), a characteristic which rendered their opinions about new rice varieties essential. The average age of a participant was 37 years with average monthly household income at approximately USh 300,000 (which averaged to about US$117.65 in 2011). Average household size was about 6 members. Education levels ranged from low to moderate, with the highest education levels for over half the participants being elementary. A little over 40% of participants had completed high school education, while about 5% had attained some tertiary education. Demographic statistics included subjects’ ethnic affiliation; about half of study participants identified with the Baganda ethnic group.
Econometric model
In the endow-and-upgrade framework, an individual is presented the choice to upgrade from a benchmark rice to an improved type in each bidding round. Conditional on the individual’s preferences, they first decide whether to upgrade or not, and then submit a bid consistent with their choice. It is assumed that the level of intrinsic and extrinsic rice quality,
where,
The
Reported
Following Demont et al. (2013b), we estimate the bid function as a two-step process involving a first stage modeling of the desirability to upgrade (tier one), and a second stage estimation of actual bid submission conditional on choosing to upgrade (tier two). This is a typical corner-solution problem akin to the tobit setting, although we implement Cragg’s (1971) less restrictive but nesting framework in which the decision to upgrade and actual posting of bids are allowed to be governed by either separate or same processes (Burke, 2009). Letting
where,
where,
Since each participant had multiple observations from different bidding rounds, the model was cluster corrected to yield robust standard errors. Similar to Newman et al. (2003), and Dong et al. (2004), the probability of an upgrade was modeled as a function of non-economic factors. As such, variables such as income, household size, and education were excluded from the first equation. The model also accounted for heteroskedasticity of income, given the likelihood of wide variances in income among our sample. While the remaining variables were included in the variance portion as well to test heteroscedasticity, those retained in the model (income) were variables that emerged statistically significant.
Hypotheses
Expectations a priori for the study were largely guided by previous literature. First, it was deemed uncertain whether the experience of taste and other sensory characteristics and social cognition of the NERICA varieties would influence WTP. Previous studies have found varying responses to food products after sensory experience and social cognition (Akoa et al., 2016; Demont and Ndour, 2015; Demont et al., 2012; Lund et al., 2006; Nalley et al., 2006). As a result, preferences and WTP for the alternative rice varieties following both rounds were anticipated to be mixed, with the likelihood of a weak or strong preference depending on perceptions of them after tasting. Being aware of NERICA varieties was expected to increase preferences and/or WTP for these new varieties. Demont et al. (2013a) observed that awareness of an enhanced rice variety increased the likelihood of purchase among Senegalese consumers, although this did not significantly impact WTP. The impact of demographics on preferences and WTP were not known with certainty, although a few were intuitive. Participants with larger households, for instance, were expected to have lower WTP, largely due to economic concerns, while those with more income were anticipated to have higher WTP for the alternative rice varieties.
Results
Descriptive statistics
Willingness to pay for alternative rice, by rounds
Prior to determining factors that influenced subjects’ probability of upgrading, and their WTP for the alternative rice varieties, the WTP bids submitted in the different rounds and across rice alternatives were examined. Since the auction procedure was based on the endow-and-upgrade method, all WTP estimates have to be interpreted as the price premiums (or price discounts if negative) consumers are willing to pay on top of their perceived value of the benchmark variety
Percentage of zero bids and mean WTP by product and bidding round.
Variations, however, existed across bidding rounds. For all three rice types, the percentage of zero bidders increased after tasting—from 8 to 24% for
For each of the three rice alternatives, mean positive WTP bids before the tasting round were higher than post-tasting. It appears then that tasting cooked rice depressed subjects’ WTP, in some cases significantly so. This uniform decline was observed in other rice auctions as well and can be explained through the benchmark gaining acceptance and value when it was purified and cleansed for preparation and more information about its sensory attributes was obtained (Demont and Ndour, 2015). In the case of
As explained, participants were randomly assigned to groups of five, where each group agreed on a collective bid for the alternative rice versions after the tasting round. Participants then submitted individual bids after the group rounds. This allowed preferences to be confirmed or re-aligned through social cognition, after which subjects submitted individual bids. For both
The more surprising finding, however, was the outcome that bids after the collective induction round for NERICA4 were on average lower than the post-sensory bids, and significantly so (Wilcoxon test
Previous literature has found varying consumer responses after tasting or sensory rounds. Demont and Ndour (2015) reviewed the literature on rice auctions in Africa and concluded that tasting almost invariably led to a decline in WTP for upgraded quality characteristics. Lund et al. (2006) similarly observed that even though preference for apples that had been stored over a shorter time frame declined after tasting rounds, the decline did not lead to a significant change in WTP. Nalley et al. (2006), however, noted a decline in bids after study participants tasted sweet potatoes. The auction literature about incorporating collective induction treatment to assess the impact of social cognition (WOM) on WTP is, however, scant. In collective induction, the expectation is that prevailing opinions about each rice variety following sensory evaluations will be reinforced through social cognition (Demont et al., 2013a). While Demont et al. (2017) found strong evidence for the fact that both sensory experience and social cognition reinforce WTP, Demont et al. (2012) and Akoa et al. (2016) did not find any evidence for the latter effect.
Awareness about NERICA and willingness to pay
Table 4 shows differences in WTP bids between participants who were aware of NERICA prior to the experiments, and those who were not. In the survey, participants were asked whether they were aware of the existence of NERICA. Also listed in the same question were other name variations that NERICA is known by such as
Mean WTP (USh) for NERICA varieties by status of NERICA awareness and bidding round.

Sources of information received on NERICA rice (

Most trusted sources of information used to judge the utility of a new rice type (
Average WTP for NERICA4 among participants who had some knowledge about the NERICA varieties was lower in all rounds, relative to those who did not have any prior knowledge before the experiment. While these lower differences (between those aware and unaware) were not statistically significant for the pre-sensory and post-CIT rounds, it was for the post-sensory round at slightly lower than the 10% level of significance. Again, this suggests that consumer uncertainties about NERICA4 variety tended to be more pronounced after sensory experience, and more so among those who had some prior knowledge about the NERICA varieties. Overall, awareness of NERICA did not appear to influence preferences and WTP substantially. However, it supports the observation that consumers may be more open and accepting of NERICA1 than NERICA4 when they are familiar with NERICA. As noted, awareness was defined more broadly, capturing knowledge about the existence of NERICA, and should thus be interpreted cautiously.
Results: Double-hurdle model
Results from the double-hurdle model, for the participation equation (desirability to upgrade) and the purchase equation (WTP bids) are displayed in Tables 5 and 6, respectively. In Table 6, three variants of the model are presented: Model [1] has no interaction; Model [2] has interaction between product and experimental round; and Model [3] features an interaction between product and NERICA awareness in addition to the product-round interaction. Recovered price premiums (discounts) based on Models [2] and [3] are presented in Table 7. See Appendix for approaches used in recovering marginal WTP values. There were 1,080 observations, comprising data from the three rounds (pre-sensory, post-sensory, and post-CIT), and the three rice types—
Tier one of two-part model: Desirability to upgrade from benchmark to alternative rice.
#Robust standard errors which are cluster-corrected.
*
Tier two of two-part model: WTP for alternative rice under three model scenarios.
*
Price premiums (discounts) for NERICA1 and NERICA4.
Beginning with the rice varieties, results show that relative to
With respect to the experimental rounds, participants were more likely to upgrade to an alternative rice variety pre-tasting relative to post-tasting, by 16 percentage points. In contrast, subjects were only minimally disposed to upgrading post-CIT (Table 5). This outcome is consistent with Demont et al. (2013b) who observed a lower willingness to upgrade from a benchmark rice to an alternative after tasting. Xue et al. (2010) also reported decreased consumer preference for grass-fed beef after tasting.
Examination of the effect of bidding round on product specific WTP bids shows that NERICA1 was preferred over NERICA4 before tasting with average valuations of 591 USh/kg (US$ 0.23) and 372 USh/kg, (US$ 0.15) respectively (from Model 2).
The results also showed that having prior awareness of NERICA tended to influence WTP bids. From Table 6 Model [1], awareness of NERICA, in general, resulted in 306 USh/kg (US$ 0.12) increase in average WTP. Results extrapolated from Table 6 show that, awareness led to higher average valuation of both varieties across all bidding rounds, with average premiums ranging from 419 to 678 USh/kg (US$ 0.16 to US$ 0.27) for NERICA4, and from 867 to 1,142 USh/kg (US$ 0.34 to US$ 0.45) for NERICA1.
Other aspects of the experimental characteristics that influenced WTP bids included the time of the auction experiments. Results show that subjects who participated in the morning sessions were 8 percentage points more likely to switch from the benchmark
Demographic characteristics had a moderate impact on the probability of upgrading, and similarly, on WTP bids. Participants who engaged the services of cooking housemaids at home were less likely to upgrade to an alternative rice variety, by 14 percentage points. Very likely, such participants were not the most familiar with the different rice types, and perhaps preferred to stick with the benchmark variety. Participants with larger household sizes significantly discounted the alternative upgrades by about 123 USh/kg (US$ 0.05), consistent with our hypothesis, with this outcome likely due to economic concerns. Regarding ethnicity, participants from the dominant ethnic group,
In modeling the variance portion (bottom of Table 6), only the income variable was found to be statistically significant and positive. This indicated high income variability with respect to WTP bids submitted for the alternative rice versions.
Beyond these, it was considered insightful to draw comparisons between both NERICAs based on their unique attributes. Specifically, given that the distinguishing attributes are fragrance versus non-fragrance, we compare NERICA1, the more fragrant of the two, to
Unlike the price premiums recorded for NERICA4 in the non-fragrant rice categories, the fragrant NERICA1 was discounted relative to the popular fragrant variety,
Even though both NERICAs were premium-priced over
Discussion and conclusion
To deliver genetic gains to rice farmers, scientists and investors are usually confronted with a dilemma of two seemingly aligned options. On the one hand, they can invest in breeding programs focused on delivering high-yielding varieties that increase farm productivity, enhance smallholders’ livelihoods, reduce food prices on the market, potentially diversify rice types, and hence foster consumer affordability and consumer choice. On the other hand, they can help smallholders gain access to pre-existing or new high-value markets by delivering varieties with premium traits that are highly demanded in the market and that fetch price premiums, and by doing so help them to increase incomes and their livelihoods.
We use the case of New Rice for Africa (NERICA) varieties to retrospectively assess the priorities breeders have adopted a decade and a half after these varieties were introduced. Market evidence from Uganda collected a decade after the release of NERICAs and before their popularity in urban markets suggests that consumers positioned the NERICAs between the standard non-fragrant, and premium, fragrant market standards:
Although the 2011 market evidence would have suggested breeders prioritize investment in breeding programs for fragrant NERICAs to help smallholders gain access to high-value markets (see Table 7), the popularity of NERICA4 relative to NERICA1 in farmers’ fields a decade later appear to suggest that agronomic genetic gains may have outweighed market traits such as fragrance. This outcome shows that farmers and consumers alike viewed rice in terms of its varietal and attribute uniqueness. As results show, experimental participants were willing to pay price premiums for the non-fragrant NERICA4 over
With respect to fragrance, the price discount observed for NERICA1 relative to
Another outcome from study findings that should perhaps be of interest to policymakers is that participants who were aware of NERICA were willing to pay higher when they upgraded the benchmark rice to an alternative. Knowledge about the existence of NERICA supported results about the weak preference for NERICA4 among consumers sampled for the experiments; those who indicated some knowledge about the varieties valued NERICA4 less and instead, preferred NERICA1. While this suggests increasing consumer awareness about improved rice varieties could enhance preferences for them, such awareness would be expected to translate into weak consumer choice for less preferred varieties such as NERICA4, as the experimental evidence from 2011 showed. However, despite the lower initial demand signals from consumers, NERICA4 has become the most popular upland rice variety in Uganda, indicating that demand may not have been the overarching factor in smallholder farmers’ adoption decisions. It also shows that agronomic genetic gains may have outweighed genetic gains in market traits such as fragrance in the case of the Ugandan rice sector.
Important lessons can be gleaned from both experimental evidence in 2011 and the present market reality for NERICA in Uganda. First, while the goal of many genetically improved rice varieties is to invariably deliver productivity gains, breeders should also consider characteristics that consumers prefer. Similarly, genetically improved varieties may not necessarily supplant existing ones. For newly bred varieties to coexist with older ones, it is important that the improved variety, in addition to its agronomic advantages, mimics key attributes in existing varieties; fragrance, or non-aromatic attributes in this instance. In addition, where multiple varieties are concerned, it is crucial they are assessed against closely related existing varieties within their respective quality classes. Our findings would have suggested farmers prioritize fragrant NERICA1, given it fetched higher premiums over
Similar retrospective studies need to be conducted in other countries and for other crops. Breeders need to set agronomic priorities, based on imperfect information. Whenever they use market information, that information is in fact immediately outdated because breeding takes time. As a result, breeders risk consistently missing their targets given the challenge in predicting market trends a decade ahead. Therefore, we hope that retrospective studies like these can contribute to improved reflection and decision-making among breeders and breeding institutes around the world.
