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Abstract

This study aims to determine whether responding to domestic violence (DV) callouts poses an increased risk of assaults on police officers compared to other types of incidents. A quantitative analysis was conducted using official court findings and coroners’ reports from all Australian states and territories, spanning 13 years (January 1, 2010, to December 31, 2023). Using chi-square analyses, the study examined 170 convicted cases of assaults on police officers. The analysis revealed no significant differences between DV and non-DV situations regarding offender substance use, employment status, or criminal history. However, DV incidents were significantly more likely to be initiated by the public and to be active upon police arrival compared to non-DV incidents. These findings suggest that DV callouts involve more volatile environments, potentially increasing the risk of assaults on responding officers. The findings indicate that situational factors—specifically public initiation and active incident status—rather than offender characteristics, may elevate the risk of assaults on police officers during DV responses. Law enforcement agencies should focus on these situational dynamics when developing training programs, risk assessment protocols, and policies. Emphasizing de-escalation techniques and effective communication strategies can enhance officer safety and improve responses to DV incidents.

Keywords

Assaults police domestic violence risk factors

Introduction

Violence against police officers is a significant occupational health hazard, though everyday assaults against police officers tend to be overshadowed in the media and empirical literature in favour of more serious types of assaults and police fatalities (Builta and Ward, 1995; Hine and Davenport-Klunder, 2024). Yet, the cumulative stress associated with an assault or hypervigilance to a potential assault (Mayhew, 2001; Santre, 2024) can result in a significant impact on police officers’ mental health (Haoran et al., 2022; Richardson et al., 2019; Santre, 2024). Some interactions with members of the public place police officers at higher risk of assault (Johnson, 2019), particularly already volatile situations with suspects who are physically aggressive (Hine et al., 2016) such as assaults and domestic violence (DV). Despite this, there is limited empirical evidence examining whether DV callouts indeed pose a higher risk of assault to police officers compared to other types of incidents. Understanding the nuances of these risks is important for developing effective strategies to enhance officer safety and improve response protocols.

Domestic violence (DV) as high-risk police encounters

Police officers face a significantly higher risk of violence than other public sector workers, making policing the most dangerous public office occupations (Bond et al., 2020; Dawes et al., 2019; Ferguson et al., 2011; Hine and Carey, 2020). Police are consistently classified as high-risk, frequently encountering accidents, assaults, and homicides – risks that are uncommon in most other professions (Prenzler, 2012). This trend is reflected globally, for example, in the UK the number of assaults on police officers has risen from approximately 21,000 per year in 2006 to 30,000 per year in 2022 (Home Office, 2022). In 1-year alone (2021-2022), there was an increase of 11%. The US has seen a similar increase in assaults on police with 66,415 police officers assaulted in 2022 compared to 43,649 in the previous year (Statista, 2024). In Australia, 30% of police fatalities are a result of assaults (Hine and Carey, 2020). Furthermore, evidence suggests that there is a recent rise in negative perceptions of police (Davenport-Klunder et al., 2024; Rogers et al., 2024) potentially leading to an increase in assaults on police.

Moreover, certain high-risk situations that are already volatile such as DV situations, present unique risks that warrant closer examination. While assaults on officers in these situations are relatively rare, they carry significant risks due to the unpredictable and emotionally charged nature of these encounters. According to Nix et al. (2021), assaults on officers occur in approximately 1% of domestic callouts. However, the potential severity of these assaults is notable. Kercher et al. (2013) reported that an examination of the FBI’s Law Enforcement and Officers Killed and Assaulted reports between 1996 and 2010 revealed that 116 law enforcement officers were killed while responding to domestic disturbance calls with firearms which were used in 95% of these homicides. Furthermore, Johnson (2008) found that one-third of firearm assaults on police during domestic violence responses result in officer fatalities. These statistics highlight that, despite their low incidence rate, police assaults in DV situations can have devastating consequences for police officers.

Research examining assaults on police officers during DV responses has identified several key factors that may increase the risk of such assaults. Johnson (2011) analysed DV data across three US cities to find that certain characteristics of offenders significantly predicted assaults on officers including the offender’s employment status, cohabitation with the abuse victim, consumption of alcohol, engagement in property damage, and displaying a hostile demeanour toward law enforcement personnel. These factors suggest that both personal circumstances and behaviours of the offender can escalate the potential for violence against responding officers. Further highlighting the dangers inherent in DV situations, Kercher et al. (2013) analysed US police fatalities to show the lethal potential of DV situations for police officer revealing 61% of the suspects involved had a criminal history, indicating a propensity for prior violent or unlawful behaviour. The study also noted that perpetrators of intimate partner violence (IPV) were more likely to be killed by law enforcement officers than those involved in other forms of domestic disturbances. Johnson (2008) observed that the factors present in assaults on police during DV responses often mirror patterns seen in general police shootings. This suggests that certain situational and offender-related variables in DV incidents align with broader trends in violent encounters with law enforcement. Moreover, Rabe-Hemp and Schuck (2007) highlighted that female officers might face a heightened risk of assault in family conflict situations, particularly when the assailant is under the influence of substances. The impairment of offenders can exacerbate the volatility of the situation, increasing the likelihood of aggression toward responding officers. Collectively, these studies indicate that certain offender characteristics significantly increase the risk of assault on responding officers. Understanding these elements is crucial for developing targeted strategies to mitigate risks and enhance the safety of law enforcement personnel responding to domestic violence incidents.

Overall, these escalating assaults on police officers, particularly during responses to DV situations, have profound implications for the well-being of police and the effectiveness of policing. An increase in assaults on police will invariably lead to an occupational health crisis among the profession, with high rates of physical injuries and mental health issues (Santre, 2024). Additionally, the cost of such an impact to police officers’ mental health cannot be viewed simply as a reduction in productivity, poor policing, or fiscal issues, without recognizing the significant impact the risk of assault or actual assault can have on the police officer’s family (Richardson et al., 2019). By understanding the unique dangers posed by DV situations policing authorities can develop targeted interventions. These may include specialized training for officers responding to DV calls, implementation of de-escalation techniques, and provision of mental health resources. Addressing these challenges is crucial not only for the safety and health of police officers but also for maintaining public trust and ensuring the overall effectiveness of law enforcement efforts.

The dangers of domestic violence incidents for police - myth or fact?

However, despite these concerns, some researchers have questioned whether DV situations inherently pose a greater risk of assault on police officers compared to other situations. In the 1970s, researchers emphasized the potential harm to police officers attending domestic disturbance situations (Bard, 1970), quoting FBI statistics indicating that 22% of police officers killed in the line of duty were responding to complaints of ‘domestic disturbance’. When reclassifying ‘disturbance’ calls in the FBI data, Konstantin (1984) found that domestic violence calls accounted for only 5.2% of all police homicides. Categorization of the type of ‘call out’ is therefore important in determining which callouts comprise a higher risk of assault or lethal violence against police officers.

Contrary to the body of research highlighted above outlining that DV situations are more dangerous for police, some research suggests that this may not be the case. Nix and colleagues (2021) described this problem as a “denominator problem,” where previous studies focused solely on assaults during DV callouts without comparing them to other types of calls. To address this issue, they analysed data from the US National Incident-Based Reporting System and found that domestic calls were not more dangerous than non-domestic calls for service. In fact, their study revealed that non-domestic incidents were nine times more likely to involve an assault on an officer and five times more likely to result in officer injury. Similarly, Pinchevsky and Nix (2018) examined fatal police shootings as an indicator of situations where officers perceive imminent threats. Their research concluded that, despite common perceptions, domestic disturbance incidents do not appear more likely to pose an immediate threat to officers compared to other incidents. Additionally, Hirschel et al. (1994) conducted a study analysing 3 years of calls for service involving assaults. Their findings indicated no significant differences in the background characteristics of victims and offenders between domestic disturbance incidents and other types of incidents. This suggests that the individuals involved in DV situations may not differ substantially from those in other conflicts in ways that would increase risk to responding officers. Collectively, these studies suggest that DV situations may not be more dangerous than non-DV situations when it comes to assaults on police officers. The empirical evidence challenges the notion that DV calls inherently carry a higher risk, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding of the factors that contribute to officer assaults across different types of incidents.

Despite the controversy over the potential risk to police during domestic violence call outs (Hirschel et al., 1994; Johnson, 2011; Nix et al., 2021; Sherman, 2018), in March 2023, in his speech about the forthcoming US budget proposal, President Joe Biden stated, “More cops are killed responding to domestic violence calls than anything else”, which presumably includes robberies, public order incidents, stop and search or catching perpetrators in the act of committing a crime (Sherman, 2023). It is likely therefore, that there is a negative and possibly distorted perception amongst police officers and the public about the risk of harm to police officers as first responders in such incidents (MacDonald et al., 2003). This latter point is of interest, especially in Australia given recent reports of police officers consistently failing to attend to or investigate DV callouts, contributing to victim fatalities (The State of Queensland, 2023). A recent study regarding First Nations women and intimate partner homicide in Australia highlighted the alarming and egregious police responses to callouts echoing the coroners’ findings of ‘lazy policing’, noting that the women’s deaths were entirely preventable (Cripps, 2023). Research by Australia’s National Research Organization for Women’s Safety (ANROWS, 2019) previously found that 50% of women murdered by an intimate partner in Australia had previously been labelled by the police as the perpetrator of domestic violence or wasting police time. More concerning was the case of a woman who in seeking help prior to her murder, police labelled as ‘cop shopping’ (The State of Queensland, 2023).

Police do not attend domestic violence callouts for several reasons, even though arresting the perpetrator is moderately effective in reducing further assault on the victim (Dowling et al., 2018). Decision making has largely been predicated on the volume of requests for callout received and resource implications, in addition to officer safety, but for the latter there is a paucity of data upon which to make accurate risk assessments about the risk to police officers in attending FDV calls. There is no doubt that, like attending any call for service, domestic disturbance calls have the potential to be dangerous (Den Heyer, 2023; Dowling et al., 2018; Ellis et al., 1993; Hirschel et al., 1994; Hoyle and Sanders, 2000), especially given that often police are the first agency victims contact for help in periods of crisis and heightened risk. Yet, in Australia, no systematic investigation has been carried out to establish the extent of assaults on police in responding to domestic violence callouts.

Police officers have been shown to effectively make decisions based on Risk-Needs-Responsivity principles, (Andrews and Bonta, 2006), these risk assessments are designed to assess the risk to the victim and not to the police officer. Further, working in a context where violence is the norm may result in a tendency to be risk aversive when responding to DV callouts (Kebbell, 2019). The perception among police that DV situations pose a significant danger to officers, coupled with their reluctance to attend, and intervene, is becoming increasingly concerning as DV callouts continue to rise. The recent changes to legislation in Australia concerning aspects of DV, increases in the numbers of people reporting DV, and gaps in knowledge of how best to police DV (Dowling et al., 2018) points to a need to examine policing FDV callouts more closely. Consequently, this research is timely in that police responses to DV callouts will need to reflect known common denominators about the risks associated with attending to such calls and ensure the reasons for non-attendance to such calls are not based upon myths.

DV is often referred to as a ‘hidden crime’ (Boethius and Åkerström, 2020) that is not reported to the police and data held by the police can only provide a partial picture of the actual level of domestic abuse. There is anecdotal evidence though, that more confidence in reporting DV incidents has resulted in an increase in domestic violence callouts, which in-turn may lead to an increase in police assaults. For example, in Australia, the “Not now. Not Ever” (Special Taskforce on Domestic and Family Violence in Queensland, 2015) report coincided with the sharp increase in numbers of responses to DV incidences in 2014-15 and 2015-16. More recent figures suggest an increase from 2012 to 2018 of 61.2% (Queensland Government Statisticians Office, 2021). The recent crime survey (Home Office, 2022) from the UK indicates an increase of 7.7% in DV crimes. What is not known, and has yet to be quantified, is whether the increase in calls and police responses to DV has resulted in more assaults on police.

The impact of emotional arousal and aggression on police safety

One factor that may escalate these situations is the level of emotional arousal in aggressive situations. Studies on aggression and violence have historically demonstrated a link between emotional arousal and aggressive behaviour (Romero-Martinez et al., 2022; Rule and Nesdale, 1976; Umhau et al., 2002), the findings of which have consistently been replicated over the past decades in that an arousal state of anger specifically increases the instigation to aggression (Andrews and Bonta 2006; Howells et al., 2002). Emotional arousal and aggression are intrinsic to many DV situations, creating highly volatile environments that significantly jeopardize police safety. These intense emotions can rapidly escalate and redirect towards responding officers, increasing the likelihood of resistance and potential assault during interventions. Furthermore, the risk to police officers is heightened if the perpetrator is unemployed, has damaged property and has a history of substance use (Dowling et al., 2018; Johnson, 2011). Most assaults on police occur during the initial encounter phase (Johnson, 2019) and when responding to DV disturbances, police enter private dwellings to manage the complexity of domestic disputes. In doing so, they are effectively encroaching on more areas of the suspect’s personal life, with resulting conflict, which may escalate in an increase in the likelihood of an assault (Dawes et al., 2019).

As previously mentioned, there are some established risk factors that can be used to predict assaults on police, one of which suggests that if a suspect has already been displaying violence as part of another incident, then they are more likely to be assaultive towards police officers whilst carrying out their duties (Biere, 2017; Hine et al., 2016). In this sense, if there is physical violence in the commission of a DV offence, it would make sense that there would be a heightened risk to police officers. Factors such as transference of behaviour, high emotional arousal levels and aggression, which are common in domestic incidents, can escalate and become directed towards the officers seeking to control the suspect, leading to resisting arrest and the potential assault. Further, during such interactions, any emotions felt by a perpetrator of not being listened to can increase the risk of violence as the actions of the police are not seen as being legitimate (Tyler, 2004). Such personal grievances, real or imagined, are common in domestic disputes and can easily be understood as being projected onto police officers at times of high emotional arousal. Police officers may unwittingly become the focus of the aggression and existing feelings of anger and frustration can be deflected onto them. This is especially so when attempting to arrest a DV perpetrator in their own house and minimizing their control in their own environment. Police presence may threaten the perceived power of the suspect, further amplifying their emotions and risking an emotionally explosive response (Johnson, 2019).

The dangers to police when attending domestic violence callouts may be increased because the violence has already happened, the perpetrator may be intoxicated, and police officers are entering into an unknown space or the perpetrators ‘territory’ (Johnson, 2019). This demonstrates how all these factors can converge to increase the risk of violence during domestic incidents. Whilst there are limited studies looking at predictor variables of assaults in responding to DV incidents, there are emerging findings that it is possible to distinguish those who fit a generic assailant description, and those who are likely to assault police during such incidents (Johnson, 2019). Variables such as unemployment, co-habiting with the victim, alcohol use, damage to property and hostility are key findings (Johnson, 2019). Officer/suspect interaction is a further variable that can have either a mitigating or escalating potential for assault (Johnson, 2019).

Active situations and call instigation

Given the level of volatility involved, entering the individual premises of suspects of DV incidence is clearly riskier than some other types of police responses. It is also apparent from the literature that, as an interpersonal transaction, what police officers do or say in these circumstances can make all the difference (Ireland, 2017). What is unclear is the difference between whether the violence has occurred or is occurring at the time of the police entering the premises, and this would depend on the call instigation. If the victim of domestic violence makes a call to police, it is likely to be after the fact, when the violence has already taken place and potentially when perpetrator emotions have peaked and returned to baseline. However, if a third party makes the call and police attend during the commission of a domestic violence offence, the situation may be entirely different. In such circumstances the perpetrator, who is already at high arousal levels, may be intoxicated and may demonstrate an extreme emotional reaction towards police officers who have entered the premises (Johnson, 2011). Such circumstances also dictate that it is unlikely the police will be able to reason with the perpetrator and the perpetrator is unlikely to understand instructions (Kebbell, 2019). If the perpetrator is asked to leave the address, they may feel dehumanized and stressed resulting in violent opposition to such a choice proposed by police officers (Geller et al., 2021). On the other hand, they may prevent the police from entering the premises and may take their victim hostage. Such incidents are then likely to result in a hostage barricade (Lipsedge, 2004; Yokota et al., 2004), are likely unplanned (Booth et al., 2010) and have the potential for high lethality for both the victim and police (Morewitz, 2019; Van Hasselt et al., 2005). What police officers do in such situations can escalate or de-escalate the situation and requires careful crisis negotiation to calm a situation and increase rational thought (Ireland, 2017).

In summary, there is considerable evidence that the frontline encounter with a suspect of domestic violence can be pivotal in-terms of the potential for assault on a police officer, with variables ranging from use of prior violence, intoxication, and who made the call important factors to consider when planning how to respond to a request. However, information provided to police officers as first responders is likely to be limited to a generalized domestic disturbance (Davies and Barlow, 2024). This study examines variables in much more detail with the aim of determining whether assaults in response to domestic violence callouts are indeed more frequent, and what factors associated with these callouts increase risk to police officers.

The current study

It is surprising given a general increase in assaults on police in the previous decade that limited attention has been paid to the type of offence and whether certain types of offences are more likely to result in an assault on police (Hine and Davenport-Klunder, 2024). Like other forms of risk assessment in forensic settings, being able to profile the type of offence/offender characteristics with the likelihood of an assault on police can have a significant impact in the way police are initially trained, the necessary skills and manpower to police such events, and remove myths associated with responding to specific offence types. Considering this, the current study aims to inform the gap in the empirical literature by exploring several variables of interest in relation to police responses to domestic violence callouts. Specifically, the study aims to identify whether responding to FDV callouts represents an increased level of risk when compared to other calls for service. Additionally, the study aims to explore whether there are any common factors in responding to FDV callouts that can increase the risk of assaults to police. Understanding whether DV incidents pose a higher risk to police officers and identifying the factors that contribute to this risk are crucial for enhancing officer safety, informing law enforcement policies and protocols to mitigate the risks, allocating resources and support systems for officers handling potentially dangerous situations, and improving community relations by fostering safer and more effective responses.

Methods

Research design

This study examined assaults on police in an Australian context. To compare the differences between DV situations and all other incidents resulting in assaults on police officers, we conducted a quantitative analysis using official data.

Data source and collection

This study draws on official court findings and coroners’ reports from all Australian states and territories capturing a national perspective. Court Findings are official legal documents that outline the decisions and reasoning of a court in a particular case. They are a rich source of information that provide contextual factors related to the case including officer details, offender characteristics, and key facts relating to the event and were sourced using the Westlaw database. In addition, we also drew from coroners reports which are publicly available official documents produced by a coroner following an inquest into a death. These reports provide details about the cause and circumstances of death, often including medical findings, witness statements, and recommendations to prevent similar incidents in the future. This comprehensive approach ensured that the dataset encompassed a wide range of incidents involving assaults on police officers. The study focused on all convicted cases of assaults on police regardless of callout type, providing a legally verified foundation for analysis. The period for data collection spanned 14 years, from January 1, 2010, to December 31, 2023. This extended period allowed for the examination of trends and patterns over time, enhancing the robustness of the findings. Cases were excluded if the assault on a police officer was part of a previous conviction (criminal history), the incident was outside the specified period, or the case related to an assault by a police officer rather than on a police officer. This process identified 170 cases for analysis.

To ensure quality assurance and the reliability of the data, a systematic approach to collecting and coding was employed. A codebook was developed which included definitions and intent of the variable and data were extracted from the court findings and in line with the guide. All cases were independently coded by at least two of the co-authors into an excel spreadsheet. Any discrepancies between coders were discussed and the codebook refined until 100% agreement was reached.

Coding and analysis

This study examined a range of variables to determine whether responding to DV callouts poses an increased risk of assaults on police officers compared to other incidents, and to identify factors that may contribute to such risks. To directly compare DV incidents with other types of incidents, the dependent variable categorized each incident as either a DV situation or a non-DV situation. An incident was classified as a DV situation if it involved a domestic relationship defined by Australian legislation, including intimate partners, family members, or cohabitating individuals where domestic violence was present. All other incidents resulting in assaults on police were classified as other situations.

To examine the nature of assaults on police, we included five independent variables based on the previous literature: substance use, employment status, criminal history, initiation of interaction, and incident status. Substance use is often associated with increased aggression and impaired judgment (Romero-Martinez et al., 2022), potentially elevating the risk of violence towards police officers. Substance use was defined as whether the offender was under the use of alcohol and/or drugs at the time of the incident. It was categorized as substance use if there was evidence that the offender was intoxicated or had consumed substances prior to and during the incident and no substance use was recorded if the reports stated that this was not a factor during the event.

Previous research (e.g., Johnson, 2011) has identified unemployment as a potential risk factor for assaults during DV incidents. Unemployment may contribute to stress and frustration which could escalate into aggressive behaviour towards police. The variable employment status was classified as employed if the report noted that the offenders was engagement in some type of employment at the time and unemployed if the report stated so. Individuals with prior criminal histories may have a higher propensity for violence and a reduced deterrence against assaulting officers (Biere, 2017). Examining this variable helps determine if past behaviour is predictive of assaults in DV contexts. Criminal history was recorded if the offender had at least one prior conviction documented or if the reports recorded no criminal history.

The initiation of interaction can influence the dynamics of the encounter. Public-initiated interactions may involve more volatile situations requiring immediate intervention, potentially increasing the risk of assault (Ellis et al., 1993). The initiation of interaction variable identified who initiated the police-citizen interaction leading to the assault. The case was coded as public-initiated if initiated by a member of the public or police-initiated if by police (e.g. proactive patrols or issuing a search warrant).

Finally, active situations may present higher risks due to the immediacy of conflict and elevated emotional arousal (Rule and Nesdale, 1976). Assessing incident status provides insight into how situational factors contribute to assaults on police officers. Incident status was defined as active situation if the conflict was ongoing upon arrival characterized by heightened emotions or immediate threats and not active if the conflict had deescalated or no conflict existed. Data were descriptively analysed using frequency counts and a 2 × 2 chi-square analysis to examine the relationship between the type of situation (DV vs non-DV) and each independent variable.

Results

Domestic violence (DV) situations

Of the 170 cases, 35 (20.59%) cases were related to DV situations. This mostly consisted of intimate partners (n = 29, 82.86%) but also included a small number of cases involving violence by a parent towards a child (n = 2, 5.71%) or violence by a child towards a parent (n = 2, 5.71%). There were also two cases (5.71%) between extended family members.

Substance use

Substance use data were available for 111 cases (see Table 1). For both FDV situations and non-FDV situations, offenders were under the influences of substance in most cases (62.50% and 70.11% respectively), indicating that substance use is prevalent among offenders of police assaults. However, the Chi-square analysis revealed no significant association between substance use and the situation x2 (1, n = 111) = 0.214, p = .644.

Table 1.

Chi-square analysis of the type of situation.

		DV situation		Other situation
		n	%	n	%	N	x ²	df	p value
Substance use	No substance use	9	37.50%	26	29.89%	35	0.214	1	0.644
	Substance use	15	62.50%	61	70.11%	76
Employment status	Unemployed	13	52.00%	30	53.57%	43	0.000	1	1.000
	Employed	12	48.00%	26	46.43%	38
Criminal history	Criminal history	28	90.32%	95	88.79%	123	0.000	1	1.000
	No criminal history	3	9.68%	12	11.21%	15
Initiation of interaction	Police	7	29.17%	64	69.57%	71	11.437	1	0.001
	Public	17	71.83%	28	30.43%	45
Active	Not active	3	8.57%	39	33.05%	42	6.939	1	0.008
	Active	32	91.43%	79	66.95%	71

Employment status

The results also showed that overall, there were more unemployed offenders at the time of the assault than employed. However, the proportions were relatively evenly distributed with 52.00% unemployed and 48.00% employed for FDV situations and 53.57% unemployed and 46.43% employed for non-FDV situations. Indeed, the chi-square examination of the association between offenders’ employment status and the situation found no significant association x2 (1, n = 81) = 0.00, p = 1.000. Therefore, the hypothesis in the literature that unemployment will increase the risk of assault on police during domestic violence incidences is not supported.

Criminal history

There was a notably higher proportion of offenders with criminal histories or previous interactions with police for both FDV and non-FDV situations than offenders without a criminal history. For FDV situations, 90.32% of the offenders had a criminal history while only 9.68% did not have a criminal history. Similarly, 88.79% of the offenders in non-DV situations had a criminal history while only 11.21% did not. However, the chi-square analysis revealed no significant association between criminal history and the situation x2 (1, n = 138) = 0.00, p = 1.000.

Initiation

There were some more statistically interesting findings relating to who initiated the police-citizen interaction. Results indicated that for FDV situations, these were initiated by the public more often (n = 17, 70.83%) than the police (n = 7, 29.17%). On the other hand, for all other situations, these were more often initiated by the police (n = 64, 69.57%) than the public (n = 28, 30.43%). Indeed, that chi-square analysis revealed that this was a significant finding x2 (1, n = 116) = 11.437, p = .001. Examination of the residuals found that this association was mostly driven by public initiation occurring more often than expected in FDV situations (standard residual = 2.52, corresponding to an alpha of .05) and less likely to be initiate by police than expected (standard residual = −2.01, corresponding to an alpha of .05).

Active

Overall, the proportion of active situations in the FDV encounters were much higher (91.43%) compared to the proportion of active situations in the other encounters (66.95%). The chi-square test revealed that this was a significant association x2 (1, n = 153) = 6.939, p = .008. Examination of the residuals found that this association was mostly driven by not active situations occurring less often than expected in FDV situations (standard residual = −2.13, corresponding to an alpha of .05). Conversely, in the active category, the observed count of FDV incidents was higher than the expected count with a standardized residual of 1.3, suggesting a higher occurrence of FDV incidents in active situations, though this residual does not fall within the acceptable significant range.

Discussion

This study examined assaults on Australian police to determine whether responding to domestic violence (DV) callouts poses an increased risk of assaults on police officers compared to other types of incidents. Additionally, the study sought to identify common factors associated with DV callouts that may contribute to such risks. The study found that while common risk factors such as substance use, employment status, and criminal history did not significantly differ between DV and non-DV assaults on police, important distinctions exist in how these incidents unfold. DV situations are more likely to be initiated by the public and are significantly more likely to be active upon police arrival, characterized by ongoing conflict and heightened emotions. These factors suggest that DV incidents may pose an indirect increased risk to police officers due to the situational dynamics rather than offender characteristics alone. The findings highlight the importance of considering the context and nature of incidents when assessing risks and developing strategies to enhance officer safety during responses to DV calls.

Offender characteristics

Our findings contribute to the ongoing debate regarding the risks associated with DV callouts. While some studies (e.g., Johnson, 2011; Kercher et al., 2013) have suggested that DV incidents pose significant dangers to police officers, particularly due to offender characteristics like substance use and criminal history, our results indicate that these factors are not significantly different from those in non-DV incidents. Nix et al. (2021) addressed the “denominator problem” by comparing assaults on officers during domestic and non-domestic calls, concluding that domestic calls were not inherently more dangerous. Our study supports this perspective by showing that the offender characteristics commonly associated with increased risk are prevalent across both DV and non-DV incidents.

Ultimately, our findings revealed that there were no significant differences between DV and non-DV situations regarding offender substance use, employment status, or criminal history. Substance use was prevalent among offenders in both types of incidents and a high proportion of offenders had prior criminal histories regardless of the situation type. This lack of significant differences in offender characteristics between DV and non-DV incidents suggests that these factors alone do not account for an increased risk of assaults on police in DV situations. This aligns with findings from Hirschel et al. (1994) who observed no significant differences in offender backgrounds between domestic disturbance incidents and other types of incidents.

Interactional characteristics

On the other hand, our findings revealed that in the Australian context, assaults on police during DV incidents were significantly more likely to occur in encounters initiated by the public rather than by police officers. In contrast, no assaults on police during DV callouts were more often initiated by police, for example when delivering a restraining order or responding to a victim complaint after the fact. Our findings revealed that DV situations were significantly more likely to be active upon police arrival compared to non-DV situations, increasing the risk to police officers. Active situations involve ongoing conflict and heightened emotions, which may increase the potential for assaults on responding officers. The situational dynamics of DV incidents appear to play a crucial role. The higher likelihood of DV incidents being active upon police arrival indicates that officers are more frequently entering volatile environments with ongoing conflict. This aligns with previous research highlighting the dangers of heightened emotional arousal and aggression in such settings (Rule and Nesdale, 1976; Romero-Martinez et al., 2022). Active situations may escalate quickly, leaving officers with less time to assess and de-escalate, thereby increasing the potential for assaults. The heightened prevalence of active situations in DV incidents suggests that the immediate circumstances surrounding these callouts contribute to the potential risk. Overall, situational factors, rather than offender characteristics, may be more predictive of assaults on police officers during DV responses.

Clear understanding of these situations of practical implications for policing agencies. Police officers should receive specialized training on de-escalation techniques and managing high-arousal situations. This training can equip officers with the skills to safely navigate active incidents with heightened emotions. Studies have demonstrated that officers who receive de-escalation training are better equipped to defuse volatile situations, reducing the likelihood of assaults (Engel et al., 2020). Incorporating situational factors such as incident status and initiation of interaction into risk assessment models can enhance officer safety by allowing for better preparation and resource allocation. Campbell et al. (2009) highlighted the effectiveness of dynamic risk assessment tools that consider situational dynamics in predicting potential threats during police interactions. By assessing factors like ongoing conflict (active situations) and the nature of the call initiation, officers can better anticipate risks and prepare appropriate responses. Given the reactive nature of DV callouts, improving communication between dispatchers, and responding officers to convey as much information as possible about the situation can help officers approach incidents with greater caution. Finally, policies that emphasize the importance of addressing situational dynamics may lead to more effective interventions and reduced risk of assaults on police.

Limitations and implications

The study was reliant on the detail in court findings and coroners’ reports, which may not capture all relevant details about each incident. The data were limited to cases where a guilty verdict was reached or a legal conclusion was fully determined, meaning incidents that were dismissed or unresolved are not included. As a result, some complexities of these cases may be underrepresented. Additionally, while the Westlaw database is a useful resource for identifying cases of police assault, it does not capture unreported cases, those subject to suppression orders, or cases resolved outside of court, such as through guilty pleas. This means the dataset may not provide a comprehensive account of all police assault incidents, particularly less severe cases or those not formally prosecuted. Furthermore, relying on court findings and coroners’ reports offers a detailed legal perspective but may not capture the full range of subjective experiences and psychological factors influencing both police officers and offenders. Information such as the precise emotional state of the offender or nuanced situational factors may be underreported. Another key limitation of this study is the relatively small number of DV cases in the sample despite capturing all cases within the Westlaw database. Future research should aim to include a larger number of cases to allow for more advanced statistical modelling such as multinomial or logistic regression enabling researchers to assess the unique contribution of each variable while controlling for potential confounders. To build on these findings, future research could expand on the data sources to include police reports and interviews with both police officers and offenders to provide richer insights into the dynamics of these situations. Extending the variables could also enhance the understanding of risk factors. Additionally, future studies should explore the role of other potentially influential factors not captured in court findings, such as officer characteristics, call context (e.g., presence of children or weapons), and situational dynamics like attempts to flee or resist arrest. Longitudinal data or qualitative interviews with officers involved in these incidents could also offer valuable insight into the lived experience and perception of risk in DV encounters. Understanding how officers assess and respond to risk in real time remains a critical area for continued investigation.

Conclusion

This study contributes to the nuanced understanding of risks associated (in terms of assaults on officers) with responding to DV incidents. While offender characteristics such as substance use, employment status, and criminal history do not significantly differ between DV and non-DV situations, the situational dynamics—specifically the higher likelihood of active incidents and public-initiated interactions—highlight areas where police officers may face increased risks. By focusing on these situational factors, policing agencies can develop targeted training and policies to enhance officer safety. Recognizing that DV incidents are not inherently more dangerous due to offender traits but may pose risks due to the circumstances of the encounters allows for more effective resource allocation and intervention strategies. Ultimately, this approach supports both officer safety and the provision of effective services to communities dealing with domestic violence.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article: University of the Sunshine Coast.

ORCID iD

Catherine Creamer

Data Availability Statement

Data is available. *

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