Abstract
In the past 20 years, the number of classes with a special emphasis on music (e.g., brass, string, or orchestra) has been increasing steadily in many European countries (Göllner, 2017; Koivuhovi et al., 2017; Nonte, 2013). In Germany, these classes are part of the school program and can be chosen on a voluntary basis for at least 1 year. In these classes, students usually attend at least one extra music lesson per week. They receive instrumental tuition in small groups and experience musical performance within the entire class. These classes are popular with students as well as parents, and the level of participation is generally high (Eder, 2011; Göllner, 2017; Nonte, 2013). Even though there is an increasing number of publications and research about the effects of attending music programs (e.g., McKeage, 2004) and music classes (Abeles, 2004; Costa-Giomi, 2004; Hallam & Rogers, 2016; Hodges & O’Connell, 2005), there is only a little research on the reasons for these choices. In particular, information on the interplay between students’ gender role identity, and the decision to attend a brass, string, or orchestra class is limited. The aim of the article is to contribute to filling this research gap. Moreover, this type of research enables us to identify indicators that can minimize gender differences in access to musical offers in the school context. After giving a brief overview on theoretical assumptions and research literature available, we conduct manifest path analysis to examine the relationship between gender, the gender role identity, and the choice to attend a class with a special emphasis on music tuition.
Theoretical background on task and class choice
Many studies investigate school choice behavior (e.g., Wilson, 2016). However, little is known about how specific classes, such as music classes, are chosen. Research on school choice behavior suggests the decision-making process of parents, students, and teachers is influential (Wohlkinger & Ditton, 2012).
It can be assumed that the decision to attend a class with a specific music profile also depends on personal preferences, attitudes of significant others, and the individual self-concept and interest in music. In general, the self-concept describes a person’s perception of himself or herself. Moreover, it is defined as hierarchical and multifaceted (Shavelson et al., 1976). Various facets like the physical self-concept, academic self-concept, or self-concept in music form a person’s overall self-concept. Eccles and Wigfield (2002) investigated the influence of task values on course choices pointing out that the anticipated consequences must be considered important enough to increase the likelihood of undertaking it.
In international music educational research, Expectancy-Value (EV) theory is the most popular and established theory (Lowe & Coy, 2016) to investigate students’ motivation in the context of learning and music performance (e.g., Bernabé-Valero et al., 2019; Cogdill, 2015; McCormick & McPherson, 2007), their enjoyment and perception of the importance of the subject as well students’ interest and self-competence in music (e.g., Tossavainen & Juvonen, 2015). Wigfield and Eccles’ (2000) EV theory comprises expectancy and task value as separate but related factors which can be regarded as predictors for students’ task choices, their attainment, and their persistence. Expectancies and values are positively related to each other and are influenced by the perception of competence, individual goals, interest, and self-schema (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). However, there are empirical findings indicating that the value component is more closely related to choices in academic domains than the expectancy component (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). Nagy et al. (2006) summarize that in line with the EV model, both subject-specific self-concept (expectancy of success) and subject-specific interest (intrinsic value) affect course choice. Regarding this, gender-specific differences have been observed.
Gender differences and stereotyped behavior—current state of research
According to Wigfield et al. (1997), gender differences in children’s competence beliefs and subjective task values occur “particularly in gender-role-stereotyped domains” (p. 453). When it comes to a comparison of the value of music as a school subject and competence beliefs in music between boys and girls in secondary schools, girls tend to report higher values in both aspects (McPherson et al., 2015; McPherson & O’Neill, 2010). Apart from a binary perspective on gender differences, more and more researchers highlight the relevance of considering gender as the more differentiated and adequate construct to describe differences in attitudes and actions in stereotyped domains (e.g., Heyder & Kessels, 2013; Wolter & Hannover, 2016). Lindsey (2015) states that “gender refers to those social, cultural, and psychological traits linked to males and females through particular social contexts” (p. 4). Both gender role identity and gender role self-concept are often used interchangeably and can be understood as a self-perceived similarity to gender stereotypes (Egan & Perry, 2001). It is noteworthy that gender role identity and biological sex are not necessarily identical.
Eccles et al. (1993) found that boys feel more confident in mathematics and sports whereas girls feel more confident in instrumental music. Girls also appreciate instrumental music more than boys do (Eccles et al., 1993). Generally, boys perceive “softer” music activities—like singing, playing an orchestral instrument, or engaging in classical music—as feminine and many of them feel that these music activities cannot be incorporated into their masculine role repertoire (Green, 2002; Hall, 2005; Harrison, 2007; McGregor & Mills, 2006; Warzecha, 2013). In contrast, girls who describe themselves as feminine are more likely to name music as their favorite subject (Kessels, 2005). They also tend to feel uncomfortable with louder or electronic instruments, which are associated with popular music, whereas boys (often in non-formal contexts) are interested in popular music that is characterized as loud or upbeat (Abramo, 2011; Green, 2002; Harrison, 2005). These gender differences can be found in various countries and contexts (e.g., Hanley, 1998; McPherson et al., 2015; McPherson & O’Neill, 2010). In this context, researchers and practitioners observed a lack of boys’ participation in music programs, particularly in singing and instrumental tuition, evident from an early age (Bennetts, 2013; Hall, 2005; McGregor & Mills, 2006).). Therefore Koza (1993) refers to “the missing males problem” (p. 219).
In this regard, Wills (2005) states that there has been very little change in gendered attitudes toward music or in breaking down stereotypical attitudes. Green (2002) thus notes that schools contribute to reproducing definitions of femininity and masculinity as connotations of various musical practices and musical styles practices. Research on instrument choice also shows the effect of gender stereotypes, with females liking to play the flute, violin, and clarinet best, whereas male students like to play the drums, trombone, and trumpet best (Abeles & Porter, 1978; Delzell & Leppla, 1992; Harrison, 2005; O’Neill & Boulton, 1996). More recent findings indicate that instrument gender stereotypes persist and continue to pose major challenges to music educators (Wrape et al., 2014; Wych, 2012). Nevertheless, girls are more likely to choose gender-atypical instruments in the band-context than boys are (Abeles, 2009) and young inexperienced musicians are more open in their choice of instruments than older musicians are (Wrape et al., 2014). Therefore, more systematic interventions by music educators and accompanying research are needed in order to reduce gender bias (Abeles, 2009; Wych, 2012). Hoffman (2008) points out the lack of knowledge regarding instrument choice behavior in school contexts. She acknowledges that there are currently more questions than answers like “why do some students aim to conform to assumed gender roles within the music classroom while others view the learning space as an invitation to explore or ‘discover?’” (p. 10).
In general, pressure from peers of the same sex can be tremendous when it comes to decision-making, especially in stereotyped domains. Here, boys seem to be more easily influenced by others because they perceive a stronger pressure for gender conformity (Bos & Sandfort, 2010; Egan & Perry, 2001; Hartmann & Trautner, 2009). The fact that music is considered a feminine subject leads us to the assumption that boys who ascribe masculine-typed attributes to themselves have significantly lower enrolment rates in music activities than boys who have a less stereotyped image of themselves. However, the few boys starting music practice in childhood are more likely to continue playing their instruments in adulthood than girls are in general (Theorell et al., 2015).
The home environment is the primary location for participation in cultural contexts, and parents play a major role in enrolling their child in musical activities. Students playing an instrument in a school ensemble are more likely to continue to play their instrument after high school when they are supported and encouraged by their families (Kuntz, 2011). Therefore, it is not only the parental socio-economic status which predicts who participates in musical activities (Albert, 2006; Corrigall & Schellenberg, 2015), but also the value parents place on musical activities (Theorell et al., 2015; Young, 2012). Parents who value music education are more likely to raise the financial means to enable and support their child to participate in musical activities (Busch et al., 2014; Sichivitsa, 2007). Based on an Australian sample of 2,727 students across grades 5–12, McPherson et al. (2015) found within lower secondary grades that the highest number of music learners was from schools in the middle socio-economic band followed by schools in the upper band, while the lowest rate was to be found in schools in the lower socio-economic band. In the context of the school-based German program “An instrument for every child” ([Jedem Kind ein Instrument] JeKi), Busch et al. (2014) analyzed factors affecting (non-)participation in the program JeKi and private instrumental tuition. Regardless of the child’s gender, parents’ cultural capital (measured by the number of books at home, and whether one or both parents play an instrument) was identified to be a predominant factor in students’ engagement in the program JeKi and in private instrumental tuition. The authors also found out that the socio-economic background is rarely linked to the attendance of the school-based program JeKi, but rather to private instrumental lessons outside of school. Nonte and Naacke (2010) come to a similar conclusion in the context of a study on musical-cultural activities at German all-day schools. In total, 1,670 students in grade 6 and 7 were asked about their activities in music, arts, and theater within and outside school. The findings suggest that the cultural capital of the families (possession of wealth goods, number of books at home) and the employment of parents are significant predictors for participation in instrumental tuition outside school but not for participation in extracurricular activities at school.
McGregor and Mills (2006) describe music as an integral part of many teenagers’ lives and emphasize the importance of music as a school subject “through which dominant forms of masculinity can be problematized” (p. 222). Nevertheless, boys value the subject of music less than girls do and describe it as feminine. The authors point out these contradictions and suggest changes in curriculum and teacher behavior. They argue that the curriculum should not simply be changed to make it more attractive for boys because this may cause a reinforcement of traditional gender roles. Instead, they suggest that teachers should be encouraged to implement critical thinking and critical perspectives on music and gender roles into their music lessons. Based on findings from a qualitative survey, Bennetts (2013) emphasizes the importance of the value and place of music each school displays as a message to increase the enrolment of middle-school boys in musical activities. Based on data from 3,820 Swedish adults, Theorell et al. (2015) found that students attending music classes at school are more likely to continue playing an instrument in adulthood. Based on this finding, it can be assumed that in addition to the home environment, schools play a vital role in engaging children in musical activities.
Different strands of research highlight music education as a gender-stereotyped domain, but there appears to be a research gap regarding the interplay of gender stereotypes, intrinsic values, and the role of peers and parents when it comes to decision-making processes in terms of attending a class with a specific music profile.
Aim
Based on theoretical assumptions from the EV model (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002) and the current state of research, we try to identify the role of students’ gender identity in the decision-making process concerning attending a class with a specific music profile. Before we concentrate on interrelations of music class attendance with gender role self-concept, intrinsic values, self-concept, and the relevance of parental attitudes and peer pressure for gender conformal behavior, a description of the distribution of these determinants as well as a description of the distribution for girls and boys attending classes with or without a specific profile in music is needed. Our main goal is to test the following hypotheses.
Following EV theory, it can be assumed that (1) students who value music a lot are more likely to attend a class with a specific profile in music; (2) the same can be assumed for students with high values with regard to their self-concept of music; (3) moreover, the parental attitude toward music is a positive significant predictor of students’ intrinsic value of music; and (4) parental attitude toward music is also a predictor of the attendance of a class with a specific profile in music.
Additionally, the formulation of hypotheses concerning students’ gender identity is one of the most important questions of this article.
With regard to the “missing males problem” (Koza, 1993) and in line with observed stereotype gender preferences about the subject music (e.g., McPherson et al., 2015), it can be argued that indirect, so called mediation effects occur.
Accordingly, it can be hypothesized that (5) students with high values for the gender role self-concept of masculinity have lower self-concepts in music and are therefore less likely to attend a class with a special musical profile.
Moreover, (6) students with high values for gender role self-concept of masculinity feel more pressure from peers for gender conform behavior, value music less, and are therefore less likely to attend a class with a specific profile in music.
Apart from these assumptions, which consider specific direct and indirect effects, total indirect effects might also occur. Accordingly, it can be assumed that (7) sex (female) has a positive indirect effect on music class attendance through the gender role self-concept of femininity and the intrinsic value of music.
The same hypothesis applies to the self-concept in music. (8) For boys, the opposite effect can be assumed. After considering all these direct and indirect relations for music class attendance, direct paths from gender role self-concept of femininity and masculinity should no longer appear significant.
Moreover, the relevance of students’ socio-economic status (SES) for the enrolment in musical activities is documented in various publications. Thus, SES was integrated as a control variable for music class attendance. The hypothesized model is documented in Figure 1.

Hypothesized Path Model.
Method
Sample and procedures
Data were obtained from the longitudinal survey
Procedure
To identify children’s gender role identity, five feminine and five masculine attributes from the “Inventory for Measuring Adolescents’ Gender Role Self-Concept” (GRI-JUG) developed by Krahé et al. (2007) were selected. The original instrument (GRI-JUG) comprises 10 masculine and 10 feminine sex-typed attributes, from which one half of the items are associated with positive and the other half with negative attributes. In a confirmatory factor analysis, only the positive items revealed good model fits. This may be due to a high cognitive demand for children to depict the adequate answer format (Borgers et al., 2000; Nonte, 2012). For this reason, we decided to concentrate on the five positive masculine attributes (e.g., “strong” and “brave”) and the five positive feminine attributes from the original scale (e.g., “romantic” and “sensitive”). Students were asked, “To what extent do these characteristics apply to you?” They responded on a five-point Likert response format (1 =
Students’
Socio-economic index
The SES-index was developed based on 47 binary variables retrieved from student and home questionnaires. It included various pieces of information about social, economic as well as cultural capital, for example, the parents’ educational background and whether the student regularly goes to the movie theater with her or his parents. On the basis of Item Response Theory, we used a one-parameter logistic model to build a socio-economic index. The reliability of the index is .78 and thus acceptable.
Analysis
In order to analyze the interrelations of the gender role self-concept with the participation in a specific music class, manifest path models were conducted using
Results
Structure of gender role self-concept
The presumed factor structure of the GRI-JUG (Krahé et al., 2007) could be confirmed for our sample but only after deletion of the aforementioned negative attributes. In confirmatory factor analysis both scales, feminine and masculine, revealed a satisfactory model fit (feminine scale: χ2 = 9.197,
Distribution of sex in music classes and descriptive statistics of determinants
Descriptive statistics of determinants for attending a class with a specific profile in music for girls and boys are documented in Table 1. Girls showed higher values for the intrinsic value of music (
Means, Standard Errors, and
Cases with missing values were excluded.
Standard errors were corrected using TYPE = COMPLEX option in Mplus.
Chi-square statistic was used instead of
In a second step, we focused on the distribution of girls and boys in music classes in the respective schools. Figure 2 shows that 70% of the students in music classes were female (

Distribution of Boys and Girls Attending Classes with a Special Emphasis on Music and Classes without a Specific Profile (
Table 2 shows to which extent intrinsic value, self-concept in music, peer pressure, and other aspects differ between classes with or without a special emphasis in music.
Means and Standard Errors for Motivational and Background Variables of Students for Classes with and without a Specific Music Profile (
Cases with missing values were excluded.
Standard errors were corrected using TYPE = COMPLEX option in Mplus.
Chi-square statistic was used instead of
Intrinsic value of music and self-concept in music was significantly higher in music classes than in regular classes without a specific profile (
Direct and indirect effects of gender role self-concept
A manifest path analysis was conducted in order to analyze the interrelation between gender role self-concept, self-concept of music, and intrinsic value of music as well as SES on attending a music class. Direct and indirect effects were estimated. Students’ sex, gender role self-concept, self-concept in music, and intrinsic value of music, peer pressure for gender conformity behavior as well as parental attitude toward music were included. The dependent binary variable “attending a music class” (0 =

Path Model for Music Class Attendance (Unstandardized Path Coefficients; Standard Errors in Brackets;
First, the conducted path analysis revealed many significant direct paths between various variables, but no statistically significant indirect (mediation) effects emerged. This led to a rejection of hypotheses 5–8. All other hypotheses are documented as follows.
First, it is important to note that no significant path between sex and gender role self-concept of masculinity or femininity could be detected. What we found was a significant negative path from gender role self-concept of femininity on the attendance of a music class (
Analogous to this and in line with our hypothesis, the path from gender role self-concept of masculinity and music class attendance was not significant.
What we observed was a positive path from intrinsic value of music to music class attendance (
Odds ratios (OR) were also available to compare the impact of the dependent variables on music class attendance. An OR > 1 indicates a higher probability for attending such a class, whereas an OR < 1 indicates a lower probability (Eid et al., 2015). The highest impact was observed for the intrinsic value for music (
Summary
First and most importantly, we found no specific or total indirect effects from sex to music class attendance through the gender role self-concept of femininity or masculinity, the intrinsic value of music, and the self-concept of music. Thus, no mediation effects occurred.
Only the feminine gender role self-concept showed a direct significant, but negative effect on attending a music class. The more students described themselves as feminine, the lower their probability to attend a music class was. However, intrinsic value for music was a significant positive indicator for music class attendance. The gender role self-concept of masculinity and of femininity were significant predictors for self-concept of music but only the self-concept of femininity turned out to be a significant predictor of the intrinsic value of music. Therefore, the intrinsic value of music seems to be of high relevance for attending a music class, regardless of gender role behavior. This finding is consistent with the theoretical assumptions of Eccles and Wigfield’s (2002) EV model and emphasizes the importance of the subject-specific interest (intrinsic value) in the process of class selection. However, it is not in line with the hypothesized relevance of the self-concept in music (expectancy of success) for choosing a music class (c.f. Nagy et al., 2006). Even though the gender role self-concept of masculinity showed no direct or indirect impact on attendance of a music class for boys or girls, a significant path regarding the gender role self-concept of masculinity and femininity to the self-concept in music was observed. Students with high values in both gender role self-concepts (masculinity and/or femininity) showed higher values in their self-concept in music, but only students with high values in gender role self-concept of femininity showed a higher intrinsic value of music.
Discussion and conclusion
Based on theoretical assumptions about the relevance of the gender role self-concept for the attendance of a class with a specific profile in music, we presented descriptive results and conducted manifest path analysis to test the underlying hypotheses. First, the distribution of boys and girls in music classes and parallel classes without any specific profile showed a higher number of female students in music classes. Based on findings from
When it comes to a comparison of self-concept of music and intrinsic value for music between students in music classes and students in regular classes, students in music classes showed significantly higher values. These observations as well as the results from current research and approved theories documented earlier, might lead us to the assumption that students with high values for the self-concept of masculinity have a lower self-concept in music and a lower intrinsic value for music and are therefore less likely to attend a class with a specific profile in music. These assumptions have been examined by applying hypotheses testing, which finally led to a rejection.
What could be observed is a strong interrelation between the feminine gender self-concept, the self-concept in music, and the intrinsic value of music. Apart from that, we did not find empirical evidence for our hypothesis that students describing themselves as masculine have a lower likelihood to attend a class with a specific music profile. There was also no significant link between the intrinsic value of music and the gender role self-concept of masculinity. Besides this, we generally found students who described themselves as feminine having a significantly higher self-concept in music with a higher value of music than students who described themselves as more masculine. This may be due to differences in leisure-time activities of girls and boys. Girls generally tend to value activities like music and arts more than boys do (Buser et al., 2017; Eccles et al., 1993). This may cause girls to have higher self-concepts in music and arts. Even though our descriptive findings support this assumption, we did not find evidence for the hypothesis that boys describing themselves as masculine value music less than boys describing themselves as rather feminine. Freer and Evans (2019) suggest that “the music classroom may offer an environment that is capable of facilitating the well-being and motivation of all students and is an area in which gender difference may be smaller compared with other subjects” (p. 793). Others again highlight gender differences with regard to competence beliefs and the value in music (McPherson & O’Neill, 2010). Our findings may also be caused by a very small amount of explained variance for the gender role self-concept of masculinity and femininity by sex. This might be affected by our decision to estimate manifest path analysis based on scale scores instead of estimating a latent model which is more demanding but for various reasons might also be more reliable. The implemented approach can be justified on the basis of the relatively small sample of just 14 classes in seven schools. Apart from methodological issues, it is noteworthy that five of these seven schools are upper secondary schools and only two schools are comprehensive schools. It could be reasoned that a large number of students in our sample are from privileged households and had well-educated and supportive parents. All these characteristics are positively connected to a fluid (androgynous) gender role self-concept (Bem, 1974). It can be argued that individuals with high values on the feminine and the masculine gender role self-concept subscales correspond to the concept of androgyny. Several studies show that androgynous individuals report positive self-concepts, have higher values of self-esteem and perceive a lower pressure for gender conforming behavior (Berk, 2013; Boldizar, 1991). Referring to this, Kemp (2004) points out that primarily musicians show tendencies toward androgyny, especially pupils in the middle and late adolescence (age above 15 years). He adds that the concept of androgyny offers the opportunity for both male and female musicians to reveal characteristics of the opposite sex and is therefore “the most desirable condition” (Kemp, 2004, p. 119; c.f. Bem, 1974). From an androgynous perspective, students in our sample are more likely to reject traditional gender role behaviors and are more flexible in gender-related decision-processes, for example, concerning which class they should attend.
Nevertheless, the relevance of gender role self-concepts becomes evident in consideration of self-concept in music and intrinsic value of music. Because of the lack of appropriate research on gender-sensitive education and teaching in music, gender differences should be an obligatory topic in teacher training. If teachers and parents are aware of causes and effects of gender stereotypes and the associated restrictions on individual potentials, a positive view on heterogeneity can be promoted (Kollmayer et al., 2018). Because the study presented here focuses on children in fifth grade, effects of gender differences that have already developed in primary school could probably be sustained and stabilized throughout secondary level. To address this concern, early gender-sensitive teaching could provide an opportunity to open musical topics for all genders as well as equally engage boys and girls in music. As shown in Figure 2, only approximately one-third of the children who choose a music class are boys. This allowed us to conclude that music classes are not as attractive for boys as they are for girls (despite their gender role self-concept). However, research by Theorell et al. (2015) reveals that boys starting music practice in childhood are more likely to continue playing their instrument(s) in adulthood than girls. For this reason, early musical education for pre-schoolers and primary school children is of tremendous importance in terms of continuing musical participation throughout adulthood. Further evidence, especially with respect to the quality of such programs, is needed. In our case, we have no detailed information about the attendance at formal music programs in early childhood. There is also a lack of information regarding the quality of music education in primary schools. Therefore, more research concerning the long-term effects of school-based music programs, as well as non-formal or extracurricular music education, particularly in respect to their quality, on learning opportunities needs to be conducted.
Limitations and implications
For practical reasons, all information was gathered after the transition from primary to secondary school at the beginning of grade 5 when this study started. Accordingly, decision-making processes had already been made before students and parents were asked about their values and attitudes toward music. However, students were asked within the first eight weeks after the transition. Moreover, we had no access to qualitative data, which could have been used to reinforce the quantitative findings. This led to the assumption that we should be careful with interpretations of causal inference. Nonetheless, we should not neglect our findings which are in line with findings from current research and shed light on the importance of aspects like sex and gender role behavior in school-based decisions.
Regarding our methodological approach, we used a modern approach to detect mediation effects based on path analysis. It is also important to recognize that numerical integration within the logistic regression approach with MLR estimator becomes increasingly more computationally demanding as the number of mediating variables with missing data increase (Muthén & Muthén, 2017). Different modeling approaches and estimation methods should be compared in the future on the basis of larger samples in order to present reliable results. Despite methodological limitations, many of our findings are in line with previous research in other domains like mathematics and natural sciences (see Nagy et al., 2006; Wolter & Hannover, 2016). Some others point at differential effects of gender role self-concept in music domains and should be investigated more deeply in the future. This is, for example, the negative effect of gender role self-concept of femininity after considering the value component and self-concept in music. Accordingly, research should accompany students from an early age onwards to bring forward more evidence on decision-making processes in music education, especially in school settings, but also in extracurricular contexts. Additionally, qualitative and quantitative data should be brought together in the future to adequately examine the decision-making process from multiple perspectives.
