Sage Journals: Discover world-class research

Abstract

For Latinx LGBTQ+ emerging adults, forming a positive social identity involves intersectionally navigating ethnoracial prejudice and heterosexism. Social media contexts are essential for minoritized emerging adults to access information and social support and explore their identities. Our research examines how these contexts serve as counterspaces that promote positive identity development, where minoritized people resist marginalizing narratives and collectively reimagine their intersectional selves. Our qualitative case study spotlights how a self-identified gender fluid, assigned female at birth, bisexual Latinx emerging adult at a public university, used digital counterspaces to resist intersectional marginality and construct positive social identities. After conducting inductive and deductive thematic analyses of two semi-structured interviews, we identified three themes (1) Intersectional Discrimination, experiences related to gendered colorism and gendered heterosexism; (2) Identity Work Through Narratives, resistance through the use of online spaces to develop critical consciousness, and counternarratives; and (3) Intersectional Counterspaces, the development of a coherent sense of self through digital spaces that validate and affirm intersectional identities. Our study expands how researchers imagine counterspaces and provides recommendations for practitioners to increase their understanding of Latinx LGBTQ+ emerging adults’ social media use.

Keywords

Latinx LGBTQ emerging adults intersectionality counterspaces ethnoracial identities sexual and gender identities

Latinx¹ LGBTQ+ individuals have disproportionally reported high rates of harassment, discrimination, and marginalization within both ethnoracial and LGBTQ+ communities (Martinez et al., 2017; Rodriguez-Seijas et al., 2019; Santos & VanDaalen, 2018). LGBTQ+ and ethnoracial discrimination are linked to negative psychological and physical health outcomes. Ethnoracial stigma and discrimination are related to depressive symptoms, lower self-esteem, and a less-developed ethnic identity (Padilla & Perez, 2003; Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007). LGBTQ+ heterosexist discrimination is associated with depression, anxiety, stress, post-traumatic stress, substance abuse, low self-esteem, suicidal ideation, and a less developed sexual orientation identity (SOI; Meyer, 2003; Rodriguez-Seijas et al., 2019). While scholars have overwhelmingly studied ethnoracial and LGBTQ+ discrimination as separate experiences for youth and adults (Meyer, 2003; Padilla & Perez, 2003; Umaña-Taylor & Updegraff, 2007), intersectional research has increasingly drawn attention to the unique effects of interlocked forms of discrimination on the mental and physical health and identity development of Latinx LGBTQ people (Parra & Hastings, 2018; Sarno et al., 2021; Velez et al., 2015). Critical to our understanding of discrimination is examining social contexts that may sustain these forms of stigmatization detrimental to the mental health and identity development of Latinx LGBTQ+ emerging adults (EA). Equally important are social contexts that promote the cultural strengths of Latinx LGBTQ+ EA, where they can resist discrimination.

For Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals who find themselves at the margins of their minoritized communities, finding and creating social spaces, or counterspaces, to affirm and validate their intersectional experiences with others sharing similar intersections is crucial for them to resist discrimination (Case & Hunter, 2012; Sólorzano et al., 2000). Social media platforms are instrumental spaces for minoritized EA. Here they access information and social support, explore their SOI (Fox & Ralston, 2016; McConnell et al., 2018) and ethnoracial identities (ERI; McKenzie, 2022), and collectively construct narratives to counter ethnoracial discrimination (Rogers et al., 2021; Tynes et al., 2011) and anti-LGBTQ+ narratives (Schmitz et al., 2022). The scant literature on the online experiences of Latinx LGBTQ+ people suggests that they use social media contexts to seek information and social support as sexual and gender minorities (Schmitz et al., 2022). These online spaces may provide an opportunity to connect with communities at the intersection of multiple social identities (i.e., Latinx and LGBTQ+).

The present case study centers on the lived experiences of a self-identified gender fluid, assigned female at birth (AFAB) cisgender, bisexual Latinx emerging adult to explore the role digital spaces had in this participant’s intersectional socialization into bisexuality narratives, queer indigenous narratives, and in resisting gendered racist narratives. Her socialization into these three narratives was essential for navigating discrimination in LGBTQ+ communities, gendered colorism within her familial context, and traditional gender roles within the Latinx community. We contend that these digital contexts serve as counterspaces where Latinx LGBTQ+ EA engage various processes crucial for developing their intersectional selves. The digital counterspaces foster a sense of belonging by validating their intersectional experiences. The online platforms provide a place to engage in critical consciousness (Watts et al., 2011) to resist dehumanizing narratives and challenge intersectional forms of oppression. In these digital contexts, Latinx LGBTQ+ EA reimagine and develop a coherent sense of self embodying their intersectional social identities (Case & Hunter, 2012; Sólorzano et al., 2000).

Review of Literature

Discrimination and Social Identities for Latinx LGBTQ+ Communities

When compared to their heterosexual Latinx and White LGBTQ+ counterparts, Latinx LGBTQ+ people report a higher prevalence of mental health disorders (Martinez et al., 2017; Santos & VanDaalen, 2018) and conflicts between their ERI and SOI (Sarno et al., 2021; Velez et al., 2015). Significantly, this research exposes the mental health disparities among Latinx people who are also LGBTQ+. However, single-axis approaches focused on only one marginality at a time do not capture the intersectional forms of discrimination experienced by Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals within their ethnoracial and LGBTQ+ communities (Cerezo et al., 2020; Parra & Hastings, 2018). Additionally, studies about the marginalization of Latinx LGBTQ+ people do not often center on their strengths and resistance to these stigmatizing experiences.

LGBTQ+ communities are an essential source for LGBTQ+ socialization, social support, and identity validation (McConnell et al., 2018; Zimmerman et al., 2015). However, experiences of ethnoracial stigma and discrimination within LGBTQ+ communities often result in Latinx LGBTQ+ people feeling further alienated (Cerezo et al., 2020; Noyola et al., 2020). Latinx individuals AFAB include LGBTQ+ cisgender women or individuals AFAB who identify as women; gender nonbinary who are individuals AFAB that identify as neither men nor women; genderqueer individuals, or those AFAB whose gender expression violates expectations for their sex assigned at birth; and gender fluid people who were AFAB but fluctuate on their gender expression from feminine to masculine, and androgynous. Regardless of their gender expression or gender identity, Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals AFAB are particularly vulnerable to unique forms of discrimination and marginalization within their ethnoracial communities (Sarno et al., 2021). For example, Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB may experience specific forms of gendered heterosexism, the assumption that the gender expression of a person matches their gender identity and sexual orientation identity, embedded in traditional female gender roles within Latinx families (Yon-Leau & Muñoz-Laboy, 2010). They may also experience gendered colorism inherent in the colonization histories of Latinxs (Casanova, 2012) and gendered racism inherent in male-centered white LGBTQ+ spaces (Cerezo et al., 2020; Logie & Rwigema, 2014).

One way marginalized individuals cope with chronic stigma and discrimination is by constructing positive social identities (Padilla & Perez, 2003). Social identity construction comprises three psychological processes: social categorization, social comparison, and psychological work (Hurtado & Cervantez, 2009). Accordingly, social identity construction begins with the identification with a social group (social categorization), followed by an evaluation of that social group by comparison to other social groups (social comparison), culminating with cognitive and emotional work that integrates the social identity into a positive and coherent sense of self (psychological work; Tajfel, 1981). Crucial to minoritized individuals’ psychological well-being and ability to cope with stigma and discrimination is learning to embrace and value a devalued social identity (Hurtado & Cervantez, 2009; Major & O’Brien, 2005; Tajfel, 1981).

A strong ethnoracial identity is associated with positive psychological well-being, higher self-esteem and social functioning, and less substance use (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2013). Similarly, feelings of belongingness and pride toward an LGBTQ+ identity are related to psychological well-being (Zimmerman et al., 2015). Moreover, research reveals that positive identity development in one of the stigmatized social identities has positive consequences for other stigmatized social identities (Kennedy & Dalla, 2014).

Ethnoracial Socialization and Cultural Values

Families and communities have a fundamental role in the socialization of minoritized individuals (Casanova, 2019; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2013). Ethnoracial socialization, in particular, is the process through which older generations transmit messages to younger generations about group-based values and belief systems (Rogers et al., 2021; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2013). Familial ethnoracial socialization plays a vital role in promoting positive self-concepts (i.e., self-esteem, self-efficacy, ethnic identity, etc.) that are implicated in buffering the negative impact of stigma and discrimination and in the development of a positive EI (Casanova, 2019; Padilla & Perez, 2003; Umaña-Taylor & Updergraff, 2007). Community ethnoracial socialization through cultural practices and social networks (i.e., cultural associations and intergenerational contexts) promotes self-empowerment by fostering a sense of belonging, agency, and affirmation of ethnoracial identities (Casanova, Mesinas, et al., 2021).

However, for Latinx LGBTQ+ people, forming a positive social identity involves overcoming experiences of ethnoracial discrimination, heterosexism, and cisgenderism (Meyer, 2003; Santos & VanDaalen, 2018), while negotiating the contradictions between their ERI and SOI (Sarno et al., 2021). Latinx cultural values are sources of distress due to an emphasis on putting family first and being a good family member (familismo). Latinx LGBTQ+ people sometimes do not publicly display their LGBTQ+ identity to maintain the harmony of the interdependent relationships within their community (colectivismo). They do this to avoid the discomfort some community members may feel about their sexual or gender identity (GI; Cerezo et al., 2020; Delucio et al., 2020; Gattamorta & Quidley-Rodriguez, 2018; Yon-Leu & Munos-Baboy, 2010). Compared to their White LGBTQ peers, Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals have reported a stronger cultural pressure to conform to traditional gender roles and adopt a heterosexual identity due to Latinx culture’s strong emphasis on family and religious values (Noyola et al., 2020; Schmitz et al., 2022). Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB risk internalizing multiple forms of oppression from their families and communities (Sarno et al., 2021). LGBTQ+ Latinx AFAB have reported having few opportunities to explore their SOI due to religious influences on female gender role expectations of purity, child-rearing and a cultural tendency to avoid topics related to sex and sexuality (Noyola et al., 2020; Yon-Leu & Munos-Baboy, 2010).

Furthermore, although LGBTQ communities are a valuable space for Latinx LGBTQ people to express and affirm their LGBTQ+ identities, these communities often center around the experiences of White LGBTQ+ people (Logie & Rwigema, 2014). They can be hostile spaces where Latinx LGBTQ+ have reported experiencing racism in various forms, including blatant racism, microaggressions, or through fetishization (Ibañez et al., 2009; Noyola, 2020). These experiences often result in Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals feeling like outsiders and distancing themselves from the LGBTQ+ community (Logie & Rwigema, 2014) or may result in Latinx LGBTQ+ people resorting to compartmentalizing their incongruent social identities (Cerezo et al., 2020; Sarno et al., 2021). Lack of connection and compartmentalization are linked to less-developed social identities, which are associated with lower levels of adjustment and higher levels of internalized discrimination (Cass, 1984; Kennedy & Dalla, 2014).

Familial and community contexts play an essential role in the positive development of an individual’s social identity and the person’s ability to cope with stress derived from a devalued social identity. Few studies, however, have examined how heterosexism, cisgenderism, and racism intersect and impact Latinx LGBTQ+ people uniquely in these contexts (Cerezo et al., 2020; Parra & Hastings, 2018; Velez et al., 2015). It is vital to examine online spaces as social contexts that may serve as socialization settings where Latinx LGBTQ+ EA can embrace their multiple social locations. In these spaces, socialization processes promote critical consciousness. Critical consciousness is the development of an awareness and insight into the oppressive systems that create inequitable social realities for marginalized persons (Watts et al., 2011). Developing this understanding is necessary for people to actively challenge oppression. Critical consciousness fosters resistance to discrimination and empowers minoritized communities (Jemal, 2017).

Digital Counterspaces as Contexts for Intersectional Social Identity Development

Counterspaces are contexts where marginalized individuals who share similar social identities and intersections of those identities can affirm their identities (Casanova, Alonso Blanco, et al., 2021), develop a sense of belonging (Case & Hunter, 2012), and collectively engage in critical consciousness (Watts et al., 2011) to resist and challenge deficit-oriented narratives. Counterspaces facilitate three psychological processes that result in well-being among minoritized individuals (Case & Hunter, 2012). Narrative identity work is the process in which individuals interrogate society’s existing narratives about their social identities to make meaning of their experiences and challenge dehumanizing narratives by offering counternarratives that speak to their strengths and dignity. Acts of resistance refer to the strategic and deliberate subversion of dominant cultural beliefs and behaviors to critique oppressive conditions and reclaim power. Direct relational transaction highlights the role of communities in providing social support and the exchange of resources helpful in reducing stress and isolation among members of those communities (Case & Hunter, 2012).

While digital contexts have not been examined, to our knowledge, as counterspaces, these online spaces meet the criteria. Research shows that social media contexts are vital for Latinx and LGBTQ+ youth and emerging adults to access information and social support, explore their ERI, SOI, and GI, and collectively engage in critical consciousness and resist stigma and discrimination (Fox & Ralston, 2016; Grasmuck et al., 2009; Hillier, 2012; Schmitz et al., 2022; Tynes et al., 2011; Watts et al., 2011). Minoritized EA have reported using social media (e.g., Facebook) to explore their ethnoracial identities, discuss race-related issues among intergroup members, and forge a sense of self (Grasmuck et al., 2009; Tynes et al., 2011). For example, in a study examining online discourses among ethnoracially minoritized adolescents and emerging adults, researchers found that discussions revolved around heritage/identity exploration and expression, establishing racial safe havens and solidarity, and race/ethnicity dialogs (Tynes et al., 2011).

Besides being a context where LGBTQ+ EA can explore and develop their social identities (Craig et al., 2015; Craig & McInroy, 2014), digital spaces are particularly critical for Latinx LGBTQ+ EA to engage in traditional, social, and experiential learning and in teaching others (Fox & Ralston, 2016). In these contexts, individuals create collective activist spaces (Schmitz et al., 2022) to resist and challenge narratives that pathologize and depict Latinx LGBTQ+ people as victims (Schmitz et al., 2022). Latinx LGBTQ+ people also collectively reimagine new possibilities and remake a world that centers and uplifts their marginalized identities (Coleman & Hall, 2019; Lizárraga & Cortez, 2020). For example, a digital funeral was held through a gaming streaming site to grieve the death of a Latinx queer bar that was closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The digital funeral celebrated the joy the physical space brought to queer communities of color and reimagined a new possible future in digital contexts (Lizárraga & Cortez, 2020). Similarly, open digital platforms for writers and readers of fiction like Wattpad, Archive of our own (AO3), and fanfiction.net have created opportunities for LGBTQ+ EA to write their own original stories as well as re-write popular works of literature, media, and film. LGBTQ+ EA reimagine these works to challenge cultural erasure and reflect intersectional experiences (Coleman & Hall, 2019).

Notwithstanding how digital spaces have expanded the worlds of LGBTQ+ EA, there are several risks to accessing online spaces. Research on the online experiences of ethnoracially minoritized youth found that over one-third of them reported being targets of online racial prejudice (Tynes et al., 2008). Another study revealed a direct link between exposure to race-related traumatic events (i.e., viral videos of detained undocumented immigrants in cages, police shootings) and higher levels of PTSD symptoms and depressive symptoms for African-American and Latinx adolescents. Girls had higher levels of PTSD and depressive symptoms than boys and Latinx participants had more depressive symptoms (Tynes et al., 2019). Furthermore, online ethnoracial discrimination is linked to poor sleep quality regardless of time spent online (Volpe et al., 2022). However, this research also suggests that ethnoracially minoritized youth and young adults have developed coping strategies to minimize exposure to traumatic content (e.g., disabling autoplay on videos, blocking racist keywords and hashtags) and targeted ethnoracial prejudice (e.g., blocking offending users, curating who can access their accounts) (Tynes et al., 2008, 2019; Volpe et al., 2022). Moreover, digital contexts as counterspaces provide researchers with a unique opportunity to examine development over time, as social media profiles can act as historical records capturing key moments across a lifespan.

Theoretical Framework: Intersectionality for Latinx LGBTQ+ AFAB

Intersectionality theory is central to our understanding of digital contexts as counterspaces that promote resistance to intersectional forms of oppression and positive social identities (Case & Hunter, 2012; Sólorzano et al., 2000). Intersectional approaches emphasize the analysis of social structures that create interlocking forms of oppression and that influence how social identities are constructed and experienced (Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1991; Else-Quest & Hyde, 2016). This framework views all individuals as being located in social structures where power relations grounded on social identities (ERI, GI, SOI, etc.) create systems of inequality that affect the well-being of these individuals (Collins, 1998; Crenshaw, 1991). By holding both ethnoracial and sexual/gender minority statuses, Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB are in a position to experience marginalization within multiple minoritized groups.

Intersectionality theory states that social identities depend upon and mutually influence one another (Cole, 2009; Crenshaw, 1991; Hurtado, 2018). Accordingly, Latinx LGBTQ+ individuals’ social identities are considerably affected by the interplay of experiences related to sexism, heterosexism, racism, and the overlapping of these forms of oppression. For example, among adult ethnic minority gays and lesbians, having a positive ethnic identity has been associated with openness about sexual orientation, exploration of both ethnic and LGBTQ+ identities, and involvement in both ethnic and LGBTQ+ communities (Kennedy & Dalla, 2014). Still, there is limited understanding of how social identities mutually influence one another during the identity development process of Latinx LGBTQ+ AFAB EA and the role that contexts play in this process. Similarly, more research is needed to examine interlocked forms of marginalization experienced by Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB, like gendered heterosexism (Yon-Leau & Muñoz-Laboy, 2010), gendered colorism (Casanova, 2012) and gendered racism (Kennedy & Dalla, 2014; Logie & Rwigema, 2014), which have all been implicated in the ability for individuals to affirm their social identities. Notably, very few studies have highlighted the experiences of Latinx LGBTQ+ people from a strengths-based perspective, which focuses on assets fostered by the individual, familial, and community contexts that promote their positive development (Cabrera et al., 2022; Deutsch, 2017). In particular, a strengths-based perspective highlights the competencies or protective factors that minoritized persons attain to counter barriers associated with structural inequalities. For example, Latinx youth’s cultural knowledge (Casanova, Mesinas, et al., 2021) and a strong sense of ethnic identity (Davis et al., 2021) are strengths that can assist these youth in confronting marginality and oppression.

Current Study

Informed by intersectionality theory (Cole, 2009; Collins, 1998; Crenshaw, 1991; Else-Quest & Hyde, 2016; Hurtado, 2018), this case study considers how cultural values and practices, systematic oppression, social inequality, and experiences of discrimination shape the social identities of our participant. Additionally, the present research examines social media contexts as counterspaces where marginalized individuals can find a sense of belonging through the validation of their intersectional experiences, engaging in critical consciousness, and resisting intersectional forms of oppression (Case & Hunter, 2012; Sólorzano et al., 2000; Watts et al., 2011). The following research questions guide this study: (1) How does a gender fluid-AFAB-bisexual Latinx emerging adult navigate and negotiate the tensions that exist between their sexual orientation identity (SOI), gender identity (GI), and ethnoracial identity (ERI) social identities to construct a positive sense of self?; (2) How do digital contexts function as counterspaces where intersectional experiences are validated and affirmed? The current research examines two semi-structured interviews with a self-identified, gender fluid, AFAB cis, Bisexual Latinx emerging adult. We chose case study methodology to engage in a rich analysis of a unique narrative that provides an account of nuanced, intersectional experiences centered on the participant’s voice (Casanova, 2012; Yin, 2003). We explore how social media platforms serve as digital counterspaces that are necessary for our participant to understand their social identities and the intersection of those identities as a means to create resistance toward oppressive narratives about their social identities.

Method

Participant

Angel (a pseudonym) is a 20-year-old self-identified bisexual Latinx person, AFAB cis, gender fluid, first-generation college student in her fourth year. Angel uses they/them and she/her pronouns. Angel requested the use of both she/her and they/them throughout this case study to resist gender binary paradigms. We have honored her request and will alternate between both pronouns throughout the article. They acknowledged an Indigenous background from their father’s side of the family but did not identify as Indigenous herself. Angel’s experiences take place in an urban area of central California and at a Hispanic Serving Research University in a semi-rural area on the West Coast of the United States.

Interview Procedure

We used a semi-structured interview protocol prepared as part of a broader IRB-approved study which focused on the online experiences of Latinx LGBTQ+ EA, to conduct our first interview with the participant in Fall 2020. A week before the interview, Angel completed a brief online survey asking for demographic information, social media use history, and their top three most frequented social media sites. At the end of the survey, Angel uploaded several screenshots or digital photos of her phone screen to a secure drive. One screenshot was from the social media platform profile, which Angel felt she could express herself most freely. Two screenshots of two posts reflected who Angel was before coming to the university. Two other screenshots were of two posts reflecting who she was since arriving at the university. The first semi-structured interview revolved around the five screenshots Angel submitted.

The first interview began with questions about the social media profile our participant identified as the digital context where they could be their most authentic self (Twitter). We asked questions about their profile theme/layout, username, profile picture, and “about me” or biographical section to understand how they used these features to construct their identities online. We then asked them questions about the people she interacts with on different social media platforms (e.g., family, friends, strangers, online friends), as well as to reflect on how social media sites are important to the exploration of their identities. In the second part of the interview, we asked questions about each of the four social media posts our participant shared. We asked about the meaning behind each post, how it reflected who she was 3 to 5 years ago or before coming to college, how she identified then (Chicano, Latinx, lesbian, pansexual, etc.), and how she identified at the time of the interview. The last interview questions asked Angel to reflect on how their social identities influenced one another and about strengths inherent to their intersectional identities. The length of the interview was 110 min from beginning to end.

Given Angel’s rich and intricate understanding of how her social identities intersected and created unique challenges and opportunities for her, we decided to ask them for a follow-up interview in Spring 2021 to help us understand the intersectional forms of discrimination they experienced. For the follow-up interview, we used an open-ended interview protocol focused on various themes brought up during the first interview.

Researcher Positionalities

We acknowledge our social positions contextualize our research process. As authors, we occupy multiple identities, including first-generation immigrants, LGBTQ+, cis-gendered, indigenous, and Latinx. We work within an interdisciplinary, strengths-based lens that intentionally focuses on research with minoritized youth and emerging adults, including Latinx, LGBTQ+, and gender-minoritized persons. We take intersectional approaches to address inequality and marginality. Our coding meetings allowed us to engage in critical methodologies like consensual validity to ensure a diversity of points of view that were fundamental for us to deconstruct the complexities and nuances of our data (Hill et al., 2005). Having a Latinx undergraduate research team that shared some of our participant’s intersectional social identities (e.g., two identified as LGBTQ+) was critical in reflecting our privileges and biases as a doctoral student (Lopez-Leon) and faculty member (Casanova).

Analytic Approach

We used inductive and deductive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006) to identify prominent and unique themes in the interviews. In the first step of the thematic analysis, the first and second authors discussed salient codes across both interviews using an inductive approach to create the first set of themes. In the second step, the first author worked with four undergraduate researchers on data coding using the initial codes developed with the second author. During this process, we identified additional themes using an inductive approach. In the third and final step, the authors refined and combined codes into themes to create the final set of dimensions by using a deductive approach guided by intersectionality theory (Cole, 2009; Collins, 1998; Crenshaw, 1991), counterspaces frameworks (Case & Hunter, 2012; Sólorzano et al., 2000), and previous research regarding Latinx LGBTQ+ emerging adults’ intersectional experiences with discrimination, socialization, interlocked social identities, and social media use (see the introduction and review of literature sections).

Data analysis occurred over several months, where the first author and undergraduate research assistants met weekly or biweekly to review individually coded data to establish consensual validity (Hill et al., 2005). During each meeting, the research team discussed discrepancies in data coding and reached consensual validity when the entire group agreed on how to code the data. Each example had to fit the codebook definitions; if the example fit more than one code, the example was double-coded. To ensure mutual respect, equal involvement and shared power directed our analysis (Hill et al., 215). When a discrepancy occurred, we asked those with diverging opinions to explain why they believed a statement should be coded under a specific category. The team consensually decided how to code a statement only after each member had made their case. This protocol was our way of ensuring that all points of view were valued, honored, and protected. We identified three overarching themes through this process: Intersectional Discrimination, Identity Work Through Narratives, and Intersectional Counterspaces.

The digital screenshots Angel shared with us are accompanying data to our interviews. These screenshots were crucial in guiding the direction of our interviews and aiding our understanding and interpretation of Angel’s narrative. We used the social media screenshots to ensure validity through data triangulation (Patton, 1999) as additional evidence to support the themes we identified in the interviews.

Results

Angel identified Twitter as the space where they felt they could express all their identities freely and as the space where she could engage with communities that celebrate, validate, and empower her intersecting identities. Although Angel identified Twitter as the digital context where she felt she could express herself most authentically, three of the four social media posts she shared with us came from her Instagram account. Of the four posts she shared with us, two represented who she was 4 to 5 years ago, and two represented who she was at the time of the first interview (Fall 2020). The first post, from 3 to 4 years ago, was a picture from her Facebook profile of her wearing a flowery pink and blue jacket over a burgundy slim fitted cropped shirt that partially showed her stomach and wearing her long black wavy hair down. Angel captioned the picture: Teacher: Hey! Belly button! Me: straight face emoji, blank face emoji (used to express being unamused and frustrated).

The second post from 3 to 4 years ago came from her Instagram profile. It featured a family picture from her high school graduation with her mom, brothers, niece, and nephews, captioned with the following:

I did this for you guys, for mi familia. Gracias por soportarme en mis estudios, en mis gustos, y en mis suenos/ Thank you for supporting my education, my likes, and my dreams. I can’t wait to make you guys even more proud when I graduate from college in a couple of years. Te amo, /I love you.

The third post, representing who she was at the time of their first interview, was a picture of her sitting down holding a bisexual flag, captioned with:

I knew I was bi[sexual] since I was in preschool, but I didn’t come out until I was 16. I remember being in the closet in high school because I was too scared to come out. I was scared to be fetishized. I was scared to not be taken seriously. I was scared to be ridiculed. All of these fears are typical feelings that most bi/queer folks encounter. We are invalidated outside our community and sometimes even within. My identity is real; it is an essential part to who I am. I am so proud to be a bisexual womxn. Sending so much love to my queer folks. I see you, and I love you #nationalcomingoutday.

The fourth post, also representing her at the time of her first interview, featured a captionless selfie taken through a restroom mirror, where she is wearing a floral print collar blouse.

The posts from 3 to 5 years ago, alongside the more current posts (within the last nine months of the first interview), allowed us to explore the developmental process Angel endured through their ongoing social identity construction. Importantly, Angel made a conscious effort to move away from Facebook, a platform she identified as a way to connect with family, to platforms like Twitter, Instagram, and TikTok, where they could actively explore and develop their social identities without the scrutiny of their family. Across the four social media posts and profile Angel shared with us, we identified three overarching themes. The first theme, Intersectional Discrimination, focuses on the experiences with gendered racism, gendered heterosexism, and gendered colorism that pushed Angel to negotiate or compartmentalize their identities depending on the context. Identity Work Through Narratives refers to her development of critical consciousness, instrumental for her to resist dehumanizing narratives through positive counternarratives of their social identities. Lastly, Intersectional Counterspaces calls attention to Angel’s use of digital spaces to navigate incongruent identities and construct a coherent sense of self, embodying all their intersectional identities. Together these themes illustrate how digital counterspaces facilitate the construction of a positive intersectional self to resist interlocked systems of oppression.

Intersectional Discrimination

Intersectional Discrimination captures ways in which intersecting identities and the oppression associated with these stigmatized social identities lead individuals to hide, conform, and internalize negative narratives about marginalized social identities. The theme also captures rarely reported marginalization within marginalized communities, and intersectional discriminatory experiences like gendered colorism and gendered heterosexism experienced uniquely by Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB. Angel recounted multiple instances in which they experienced gendered colorism and bisexual prejudice within her familial context, bisexual prejudice and ethnoracial discrimination within LGBTQ+ contexts, and cisgenderism and gendered heterosexism within mainstream society. Angel described how colorism and bisexual prejudice led her to develop shame and pushed them to hide, suppress, and compartmentalize their SOI to avert shame and judgment. In reflecting on colorism within her family context, Angel stated:

My family would mention my dad being from Oaxaca, because like his family is [indigenous]. They really made fun of me for it because I’m the first daughter my mom had with him. And like [My two older brothers from a different dad] would call me “Oaxaca,” like the name of the state, but I know they meant it in a derogatory way. They would call me India [a racial slur in Latinx community]. I didn’t even know it was a racial slur until I grew up. They’d be like, “Oh, I’m lighter than you.” My younger brother [from the same dad] does have darker skin than me. Like we have the same skin tone, but his like can get darker. So there would be that acknowledgment of it, but it was never like to the point where they were calling him racial slurs. It was just me. I’m kind of realizing, wow. It must have a lot to do with my gender. [. . .]My mom is white-passing, and she’s so proud of that too, and she said pretty colorist and racist stuff to me, like she told me she should’ve picked a different dad for me so I could have been white. So I was like, why are you saying these things? What’s wrong with that?

Angel contemplated how these experiences resulted in shame but also evoked questions and a need to understand why her ethnoracial category was the target of discrimination. Furthermore, by reflecting on her colorist experiences within her family context, Angel became aware that she had been experiencing gendered colorism. In other words, she was not targeted for her physical features but due to the combination of her gender and her physical features. While her younger brothers share the same biological father and physical characteristics like skin color and Indigenous features, she was the only target of colorist slurs.

In contrast to Angel’s ERI-related discriminatory experiences, the stigmatization of her SOI was mostly encountered indirectly by exposure to negative stereotypes about bisexuality. These negative stereotypes profoundly impacted how she chose to identify and disclose her SOI identity:

[At the time] I identified as pansexual; I guess it was complicated because whenever I was in a relationship, I didn’t know how to label myself. I think it just comes with internalized bi-phobia that I had. People would assume that when you’re dating someone of the same sex, it means like you’re gay, or when you’re dating someone of the opposite sex, it means you’re hetero[sexual]. I know a lot of people who are bi-phobic and assume that it’s a phase or it’s not real. I was 16 and in a relationship with a girl on and off for six months. When I was with her, I wouldn’t say like my sexual orientation a lot. Like I knew what it was, but I would be like, Oh, I’m just attracted to you I don’t have a label. I wasn’t big on using them. After we broke up and I dated two guys after that, it was even more complicated [be]cause I was just like, I know it’s not a phase, but a lot of people see it that way. I think that’s why I was really afraid to come out. [When I dated guys] I felt more comfortable actually saying I’m pansexual because by then people knew I had dated [a girl]. But I was just afraid to come out [as bisexual] because guys oversexualize it. And I just hate that. Like, I hate that they make it about themselves when it’s not; it’s about me.

For Angel, being exposed to bisexual stereotypes caused them to internalize this prejudice, which resulted in her decision to hide, suppress, and compartmentalize their SOI. Typically, LGBTQ+ spaces help counteract the effects of LGBTQ+ stigmatization; however, Angel discussed the marginalization within LGBTQ+ spaces due to their ERI:

My freshman year, I lived in the LGBT hall, but even there, honestly, I didn’t feel fully accepted [be]cause most of my hall was white. [The person in charge of the dorm floor] was a white gay man, and I’m the opposite. For some reason, he would hang out with [white people] more than with folks with different intersections, like people of color, or who are undocumented, or who are just like marginalized and stuff. So it was it wasn’t the most welcoming space for me. He even tried to get me, and my other friend kicked out of the dorms at one point. So there was a lot of tension.

Angel’s discriminatory experiences reveal how Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB are particularly vulnerable to experiencing marginalization within their minoritized communities. Her experiences also highlight the unique forms of discrimination that may involve more than two interlocked social identities simultaneously (i.e., gender colorism within familial contexts).

Intersectional Discrimination shows how marginalization within already minoritized communities led to the internalization of negative views about our participant’s stigmatized social identities. The LGBTQ+ discrimination within the Latinx community, ethnoracial discrimination, and erasure of Latinx identities within LGBTQ+ communities, and anti-indigenous colorism within Latinx communities and familial contexts resulted in Angel coping by hiding, suppressing, and compartmentalizing social identities. She did this to avoid having to face shame and judgment directly. Most importantly, this theme illustrates how context-specific cultural values (e.g., familismo) create unique stressors for Latinx LGBTQ+ people AFAB whose identities may not neatly fit these context-based norms, resulting in further alienation from already marginalized communities.

Identity Work Through Narratives

Identity Work Through Narratives describes the psychological process of social categorization, social comparison, and the socio-cognitive emotional processing Angel worked through to internalize a positive ERI, SOI, and GI. This theme exposes how Angel explores the stigmatization of her social identities and the understanding of social identities through counternarratives found in digital spaces. The theme also spotlights the adaptation of social identities through internalizing those counternarratives. The theme illustrates how Angel used counternarratives they encountered on digital platforms to challenge negative stereotypes, engage in critical consciousness, and resist oppressive expectations and erasure in Latinx and white LGBTQ+ spaces. Angel described experiences of familial colorism and sexual orientation stigmatization as the parting point of her journey to understand her unique positionality. For example, she shared how counternarratives she found on social media were vital for her to internalize positive narratives about her ERI:

Where we live, I would say that the communities are like mixed, and there was never any talk about indigeneity. I really wanted to like get into Oaxacan Twitter and follow Oaxacan people because I had been kind of shamed about it for most of my life. My family would mention my dad and being from Oaxaca, because his family is brown. They don’t look like my mom’s family. They’re short and darker skin tones, but like beautiful. So I like started following more people who are like, well Oaxacan, and like there’s literally like Oaxacan Twitter. I know back then I wouldn’t identify as [Oaxacan] so like Twitter really introduced me more to that.

Given that she was the only person in her family experiencing anti-indigenous colorism, finding a Oaxacan community on Twitter was imperative for her to understand the culture and history and internalize a positive view of that identity. The exploration of her Oaxacan identity on Twitter allowed Angel to identify as Oaxacan and find power and beauty in being brown and having indigenous features. Similar to her journey to understand her Oaxacan identity, Angel discussed counternarratives she encountered on Twitter and TikTok that facilitated the exploration of and identification with her bisexual identity and adoption of she/her/they/them pronouns:

In high school when I first came out, I identified as bi[sexual], but then like, within that same year I changed my sexual orientation to pansexual. Once I got Twitter and started interacting with people who are bi[sexual], I saw a thread about bisexuality and how [pansexuality] is actually transphobic because they’re kind of like making trans people seem like they’re like a third gender when they’re not. If you’re a trans woman, you’re a woman. If you’re a trans man, you’re a man. So they were talking about how bisexuality is an inclusive label. Just reading that shifted my perspective, and I started identifying as bi[sexual] again and actually felt a lot better identifying that way. TikTok has really helped me understand my GI. I started using [she/they] pronouns probably my second year of college. It hasn’t been too long, two years or three years now, but I feel a lot more comfortable using she/they because I don’t want people to [automatically perceive me] as a woman because of the way I look (fem presenting). [By using she/they pronouns, I’m] questioning people’s consciousness and their intentions. [They] shouldn’t be assuming that everyone’s pronouns are she/her or he/him. I feel like using they/them definitely challenges that, and I’m going to challenge people. I also feel that my pronouns are very much connected to my queerness too, [be]cause I don’t know anyone who’s like [cisgender or heterosexual] who uses she/they or they/she pronouns, that’s mostly queer people. Like it’s very much interconnected with queerness.

Having access to counternarratives that view bisexuality as validating transgender identities, rather than excluding transsexual individuals, Angel was able to adopt a bisexual identity instead of a pansexual identity. Similarly, being educated and learning about gender non-binary identities and pronouns was important for Angel to explore their GI and adopt she/they pronouns that signal to their SOI and that challenge the gender binary. In addition, exploring their social identities and understanding how their identities intersect facilitated Angel’s development of critical consciousness to challenge oppression within Latinx and LGBTQ+ contexts. Angel revealed how the intersection of her social identities made her critically conscious about intersectional issues, oppression, and privilege:

I would say that my relationship to my queerness and Latinidad gives me a different lens in the world, and it allows me to see the problems of Latinidad. It allows me to see how we have all these values that are so hetero[sexist], racist too, that just don’t align with me and don’t align with my queerness, because you know, being queer, being LGBT, you’re challenging all these heteronormative values that are ingrained in like society in general. Like just being queer, having this identity that you can’t change, it influences the way I see Latinidad. Latinidad is so gendered. It’s very much like if you’re a woman, you have to have babies, and you have to marry a man, and you have to be a wife. I fucking hate it. I don’t want to be someone’s wife like that. I have such a complicated relationship with Latinadad because I’m queer, and I don’t take a lot of pride in being Mexican and brown because it makes invisible a lot of other communities that are like black or indigenous Mexicans, you know?

Angel’s reflection about her intersectional experiences as a queer Latinx person underscores her unique and deeper understanding of oppressive systems. This critical consciousness has allowed Angel to question and challenge systems of oppression like traditional gender roles, gender as a binary construct, and gender corresponding to SOI. Her intersectional experiences as a Latinx LGBTQ+ AFAB helped her develop a critical lens to challenge and deconstruct multiple systems of oppression that are invisible to most people and create positive counternarratives surrounding her interlocking social identities.

Intersectional Counterspaces

Intersectional Counterspaces depicts the continuous negotiation between insider and outsider statuses depending on the social context our participant found herself in, which signaled how, although intersecting, her social identities could also be incongruent. The theme especially draws attention to our participant’s creation of a digital counterspace to navigate the incongruencies of her social identities and construct a coherent sense of self. Angel’s careful curation and controlled access to their social media profiles, allowed them to create a digital counterspace where they were able to express their intersectional self through their username, profile picture, and posts. This curated digital, intersectional counterspace was crucial in her development of a positive self, embodying all her intersecting social identities. Angel described how different contexts had pressed her to continuously negotiate their social identities in efforts to create a sense of belonging in the various social spaces they occupy:

At the [diversity office on campus], I feel welcome. Cause I’m first gen, low-income. I’m a person of color, but recently, I had to explain to my supervisor that I’m also queer. I had to explain to her something that two of my coworkers were doing. They’re both hetero[sexual], but they were calling each other wives and stuff. It’s really invalidating to women who like women. I was just really mad about it and mad about how we talk about other identities, but we don’t talk about sexual orientation. I think it’s just been difficult because I have so many intersections. It’s difficult to find a space where I feel fully accepted and fully embraced. So I would say that the space I do have in my life where I feel fully accepted, it’s just [in communities of people] who share similar identities as me. Like, like those are the spaces where, yes, I feel seen, and I feel fully understood.

As Angel explained, in spaces where their brown-low-income-woman social identities are embraced and validated, her queer identity becomes invisible, pushing her to advocate for the acknowledgment of queer identities. This experience and others (i.e., the incongruency of her Latindad and queerness) have caused her to continuously negotiate between insider and outsider statuses to find a sense of belonging. As she reflected, the intersection of her social identities has made it difficult for them to find spaces where she feels wholly embraced. Angel stated how the creation of digital counterspaces through their social media profiles made it possible for her to be her complete, authentic, and coherent self:

I got [Twitter] because I had one friend who was on Twitter all of the time. My intention was to make it a space where no one from high school was following me like, they don’t follow me on Twitter or Instagram anymore, but I used to have a lot of people from like high school follow me [on Instagram]. I don’t really think that fondly sometimes of my high school years because people would slut shame me or like talk shit. I just wanted to follow people who were kind of like activists or like were really outspoken on social media. At first, my Instagram used to be more like, if you kind of know me in person, then you can follow me there. My Twitter one was kind of like, you know what, this is actually who I am, so I only let strangers and a few of my really good friends follow me there. [Twitter] was like my main. My Instagram [username] used to be my nickname and my last name. I changed it [to my Twitter username], and I just feel like it’s more authentic, more like who I am. And, like, I just wanted to merge [my Twitter and Instagram username] because I don’t know. Like, I think I came to this realization that I don’t want to have people in my space who I don’t really care about, or who don’t serve me any purpose, or like who may in the past have harmed me. I just wanted to let go of [people] who just didn’t really understand my identities either. So that’s my [username and profile picture] for Twitter now and for my Instagram.

As the excerpt elucidates, limiting who had access to her Twitter profile was instrumental for Angel to explore her social identities freely, which was necessary for her to internalize positive narratives surrounding her identities. Through this exploration, Angel was able to create personal counternarratives that she embedded within her username and profile picture as a way to resist and challenge different forms of oppression and discrimination. The development of these personal counternarratives on her Twitter profile empowered Angel to resist the oppression she experienced among some of her Instagram followers whom she knew away from the keyboard. Angel had over a 1,000 followers on Instagram before realizing they did not want people in their “space” who did not care about them or harmed them. She called merging her Twitter username with her Instagram username “shedding of old skin.” Angel used the adaptation of a new username as an opportunity to shrink the number of her followers on Instagram to fewer than 50.

Angel’s self-curated digital counterspaces were places where she constructed a sense of self that incorporated positive counternarratives of her social identities. For example, through her username, Angel intentionally sought to reclaim labels and personal traits that were previously sources of stigma and discrimination. Finding power in her social identities gave Angel a sense of authenticity that she then sought to replicate across social media platforms like Instagram and Venmo. Twitter, in particular, facilitated Angel’s resistance to oppression and the expression of an authentic and coherent sense of self that she then chose to replicate across platforms.

Discussion

The present case study sought to answer the following research questions: 1) How does a gender fluid-AFAB-bisexual Latinx emerging adult navigate and negotiate the tensions between their SOI, GI, and ERI social identities to construct a positive sense of self? And (2) How do digital contexts function as counterspaces where intersectional experiences are validated and affirmed? Our three overarching themes (Intersectional Discrimination, Identity Work Through Narratives, and Intersectional Counterspaces) reveal how social media spaces can become digital counterspaces (Case & Hunter, 2012) where minoritized Latinx LGBTQ EA like Angel find community and validation. These digital counterspaces foster a sense of belonging by affirming intersectional experiences where Latinx LGBTQ EA engage in critical consciousness (Watts et al., 2011). This critical consciousness challenges dehumanizing narratives and intersectional oppression through positive counternarratives (Sólorzano et al., 2000). In these digital spaces, Latinx LGBTQ+ EA can reimagine and develop a coherent sense of self, embodying their intersectional social identities (Case & Hunter, 2012).

Affirmation, Critical Consciousness, and Counternarratives to Resist Oppression

The Intersectional Discrimination and Identity Work Through Narratives themes illustrate how Latinx LGBTQ+ AFAB emerging adults, like Angel, face intersectional discrimination like gendered colorism and gendered heterosexism. These forms of discrimination may result in the compartmentalization of their social identities to manage stigma and internalization of negative narratives about their social identities (Cerezo et al., 2020; Meyer, 2003; Sarno et al., 2021). The present case study provides evidence of how familial and community socialization for Latinx LGBTQ+ EA can create stigmatizing experiences such as heterosexism (Noyola, 2020) or racist colorism within Latinx families, which is not often examined (Chávez-Dueñas et al., 2014). Familial and community ethnoracial socialization is essential in promoting positive self-concepts, self-empowerment, and a sense of belonging that can buffer stigma and discrimination (Casanova, 2019; Casanova, Mesinas, & Martinez-Ortega, 2021; Padilla & Perez, 2003; Umaña-Taylor & Updergraff, 2007). Yet, for Angel, socialization into some Latinx cultural values contributed to her experiencing multiple forms of stigmatization and led her to compartmentalize certain parts of herself (Meyer, 2003). Congruent with previous literature, Angel felt cultural pressure to conform to traditional gender roles while also prioritizing family (familismo) and keeping in harmony with their familial relationships (colectivismo) (Delucio et al., 2020; Gattamorta & Quidley-Rodriguez, 2018; Noyola, 2020). This pressure to conform limited Angel’s exploration of their SOI (Yon-Leu & Munos-Baboy, 2010). Likewise, Angel experienced discomfort and did not feel accepted in primarily White LGBTQ+ socialization spaces. Her discomfort and sense of isolation in both Latinx familial/community and LGBTQ reflects the complexities of experiencing marginalization within her minoritized communities.

As evidenced in Angel’s experiences, Latinx LGBTQ+ people must overcome experiences of racism, heterosexism, and cisgenderism (Meyer, 2003; Santos & VanDaalen, 2018) while navigating the contradictions between their ERI and SOI (Sarno et al., 2021). Notably, the incongruency between their social identities catalyzed Angel’s search to understand their marginalization to consolidate their intersecting social identities. The Identity Work Through Narratives theme exposes how social media platforms served as digital counterspaces where Angel found positive experiences of community socialization. Angel developed critical consciousness through these social media platforms (Jemal, 2017; Watts et al., 2011). She gained knowledge of the root causes of oppression for people at the intersections of Latinx and LGBTQ+ social locations. She was able to find positive representations of her communities and uncover the strengths (Davis et al., 2021) and cultural knowledge that empowered and validated her intersectional experiences (asanova, Mesinas, et al., 2021). Angel was able to engage in the narrative identity work process and interrogate the existing dehumanizing narratives of her different social identities (Case & Hunter, 2012). Social media platforms like Twitter, TikTok, and Tumblr were fundamental for Angel to access counternarratives, communities of color, and LGBTQ+ communities, like Oaxacan Twitter, Queer Twitter, Black Twitter, and Latinx communities on TikTok. The social justice atmosphere created by these social media platforms is instrumental for Latinx LGBTQ+ EA to develop critical consciousness collectively. Similar to previous findings (Coleman & Hall, 2019; Craig & McInroy, 2014; Grasmuck et al., 2009; Hillier, 2012; Lizárraga & Cortez, 2020; Schmitz et al., 2022), the counternarratives Angel adopted challenged dehumanizing and oppressive narratives and allowed her to embrace her intersectional social identities.

A Coherent Sense of Self-Embodying Intersectional Social Identities

The Intersectional Counterspaces theme presented how digital contexts function as counterspaces where individuals like Angel can navigate the tensions between their SOI, GI, and ERI through careful curation of their digital counterspaces to create a coherent, authentic self, embodying all their intersecting social identities. Angel’s narrative exposes a developmental social identity process congruent with social categorization, social comparison, and cognitive and emotional psychological work to internalize and embrace positive social identities (Tajfel, 1981). Our case study demonstrates how an EA can create counterspaces in online spaces by controlling who can access their social media profiles, and constructing an authentic self, represented through their social media usernames and profile pictures. Angel’s social media experiences also spotlight acts of resistance and direct relational transactions (Case & Hunter, 2012). Notably, since Angel provided screenshots spanning several years, our study documents the developmental process of constructing a coherent sense of self through digital counterspaces.

The digital counterspaces contributed to Angel’s well-being by allowing her access to support networks that provided her with a network of resources and social support to cope with and respond to stressful and isolating situations she faced within her communities (Fox & Ralston, 2016; Schmitz et al., 2022; Sólorzano et al., 2000). Across three to five years, digital contexts became an essential source of support and validation of their identities for Angel and a space where they resisted intersectional discrimination (Casanova, Alonso Blanco, et al., 2021). Angel challenged their oppression through a transformative process of meaning-making and empowerment to develop a coherent self, embodying all their social identities. Angel built her community in these intersectional digital counterspaces where she could live authentically.

Limitations and Future Directions

This case study should be understood within the context of several limitations. First, our findings are attributed to a particular Latinx LGBTQ AFAB emerging adult and cannot be generalized to all Latinx LGBTQ emerging adults. Instead, as qualitative research, the study raises themes for further exploration with this and other intersectional communities. Second, the study focuses on a person in college with access to the internet and social media. So, we must acknowledge that not all EA attend college, and some may have limited internet access. Lastly, we did not specifically ask how they use the knowledge developed from their critical consciousness away from keyboard in collective action (e.g., civic engagement; community organizing).

Furthermore, we did not explore how these types of online social spaces change our definitions of community and group relationships. Future studies could ethnographically examine the specific social media features that allow for non-traditional or non-academic learning. An exploration of platform features that make it conducive for community building would expand our understanding of how indirect interactions, through the consumption of content produced by others with similar intersectional experiences, can still create a strong sense of community.

Conclusion

Beyond understanding intersectional experiences as additive, the present study aimed to understand them as unique and multi-layered, presenting individuals with distinct challenges and advantages (Crenshaw, 1991). While previous research has documented online spaces as recreating oppressive social structures (Tynes et al., 2008), the present case study highlights the value of online spaces in the development of Latinx LGBTQ+ EA. Relatedly, our findings expand the counterspace literature to consider digital platforms. Our study shows how social media users can control who has access to their social media profiles; access a plethora of resources to develop critical consciousness (Jemal, 2017; Watts et al., 2011); and carefully curate digital counterspaces where they can be socialized to create an authentic sense of self.

Moreover, as colorism within Latinx communities continues to be understudied (Chávez-Dueñas et al., 2014), Angel’s narrative underscores the racism/colorism that operates within Latinx families, which must be addressed within Latinx communities. Practitioners need to increase their understanding of Latinx LGBTQ+ emerging adults’ social media use to create inclusive contexts that validate their intersectional experiences. Educators, for example, can develop online campaigns as digital counterspaces to promote the strengths and increase the sense of belonging of Latinx LGBTQ+ college students. Educators and practitioners can increase social media use and representations of Latinx LGBTQ+ people in their curricula and programming. This intentional inclusion could help these emerging adults feel validated, facilitate the development of their coherent, authentic selves, and positively transform their intersectional experiences.

Footnotes

The authors thank the Research Center for the Americas,the Department of Sociology,the Department of Latin American and Latino Studies,and the Psychology Department at the University of California,Santa Cruz for providing funds to complete this study. We would like to express our deep appreciation for the participant that shared their experiences for our case study. We are extremely grateful to the Migration,Identity,and Education Lab (MIEL) undergraduate researchers that assisted with the data collection and analysis.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Gloriana Lopez-Leon

Saskias Casanova

Author Biographies

Gloriana Lopez-Leon is a social psychology doctoral student at UC Santa Cruz working under the supervision of Dr. Saskias Casanova. Gloriana’s research uses a multidisciplinary approach to understand intersectional forms of oppression experienced by Latinx LGBTQ+ young adults,and the role that social media plays in the deconstruction of the oppressive structures responsible for the educational and social inequalities experienced by these individuals.

Saskias Casanova is an assistant professor of psychology at UC Santa Cruz. She researches individual and contextual factors that relate to the psychological processes and educational experiences of Latinx,immigrant-origin,and minoritized youth and emerging adults in k-12 and higher education settings. Her work appears in journals such as the Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology,Human Development,and Educational Researcher.

References

Braun

Clarke

. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3(2), 77–101. https://doi.org/10.1191/1478088706qp063oa

Cabrera

Alonso

Chen

Ghosh

(2022). Latinx families’ strengths and resilience contribute to their well-being. National Research Center on Hispanic Children & Families. https://www.hispanicresearchcenter.org/research-resources/latinx-families-strengths-and-resiliencecontribute-to-their-well-being

Casanova

. (2012). The stigmatization and resilience of a female indigenous Mexican immigrant. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 34(3), 375–403. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986312449584

Casanova

. (2019). Aprendiendo y sobresaliendo: Resilient indigeneity & Yucatec-Maya youth. Association of Mexican American Educators Journal, 13(2), 42–65. https://doi.org/10.24974/amae.13.2.428

Casanova

Alonso Blanco

Takimoto

Vazquez

Covarrubias

London

Azmitia

Lewis

. (2021). Learning in the Counterspace of Not School. Educational Studies, 57(5), 459–475. https://doi.org/10.1080/00131946.2021.1969936

Casanova

Mesinas

Martinez-Ortega

. (2021). Cultural knowledge as opportunities for empowerment: Learning and development for Mexican Indigenous youth. Diaspora, Indigenous, and Minority Education, 15(3), 193–207. https://doi.org/10.1080/15595692.2021.1910940

Case

A. D.

Hunter

C. D.

(2012). Counterspaces: A unit of analysis for understanding the role of settings in marginalized individuals’ adaptive responses to oppression. American Journal of Community Psychology, 50(1–2), 257–270. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-012-9497-7

Cass

V. C.

(1984). Homosexual identity formation: Testing a theoretical model. The Journal of Sex Research, 20, 143–167. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224498409551214

Cerezo

Cummings

Holmes

Williams

(2020). Identity as resistance: Identity formation at the intersection of race, gender identity, and sexual orientation. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 44(1), 67–83. https://doi.org/10.1177/0361684319875977

10.

Chávez-Dueñas

N. Y.

Adames

H. Y.

Organista

K. C.

(2014). Skin-color prejudice and within-group racial discrimination: Historical and current impact on Latino/a populations. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 36(1), 3–26. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986313511306

11.

Cole

E. R.

(2009). Intersectionality and research in psychology. American Psychologist, 64(3), 170–180. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0014564

12.

Coleman

J. J.

Hall

L. A.

(2019). What story, what identity, Wattpad? teaching youth to restory YA literature. ALAN Review, 46, 65–70. https://alan-ya.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Teaching-Youth-to-Restory-YA-Literature.pdf

13.

Collins

P. H.

(1998). It’s all in the family: Intersections of gender, race, and nation. Hypatia, 13(3), 62–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1998.tb01370.x

14.

Craig

S. L.

McInroy

(2014). You can form a part of yourself online: The influence of new media on identity development and coming out for LGBTQ youth. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Mental Health, 18(1), 95–109. https://doi.org/10.1080/19359705.2013.777007

15.

Craig

S. L.

McInroy

McCready

L. T.

Alaggia

(2015). Media: A catalyst for resilience in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer youth. Journal of LGBT Youth, 12(3), 254–275. https://doi.org/10.1080/19361653.2015.1040193

16.

Crenshaw

(1991). Mapping the margins: Intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review, 43, 1241–1299. https://doi.org/10.2307/1229039

17.

Davis

A. N.

Carlo

Maiya

(2021). Towards a multisystem, strength-based model of social inequities in US Latinx youth. Human Development, 65(4), 204–216. https://doi.org/10.1159/000517920

18.

Delucio

Morgan-Consoli

M. L.

Israel

(2020) Lo que se ve no se pregunta: Exploring nonverbal gay identity disclosure among Mexican American gay men. Journal of Latinx Psychology, 8(1), 21–40. https://doi.org/10.1037/lat0000139

19.

Deutsch

N. L.

(2017). Introduction: Welcome from the incoming editor of the journal of adolescent research. Journal of Adolescent Research, 32(5), 531–535. https://doi.org/10.1177/0743558417725848

20.

Else-Quest

N. M.

Hyde

J. S.

(2016). Intersectionality in quantitative psychological research: I. Methods and techniques. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 40, 319–336. https://doi.org/10.1177/0361684316647953

21.

Fox

Ralston

(2016). Queer identity online: Informal learning and teaching experiences of LGBTQ individuals on social media. Computers in Human Behavior, 65, 635–642. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2016.06.009

22.

Gattamorta

Quidley-Rodriguez

(2018). Coming out experiences of Hispanic sexual minority young adults in South Florida. Journal of Homosexuality, 65(6), 741–765. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2017.1364111

23.

Grasmuck

Martin

Zhao

(2009). Ethno-racial identity displays on Facebook. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 15(1), 158–188. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101.2009.01498.x

24.

Hill

C. E.

Knox

Thompson

B. J.

Williams

E. N.

Hess

S. A.

Ladany

(2005). Consensual qualitative research: An update. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52(2), 196–205. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-0167.52.2.196

25.

Hillier

Mitchell

K. J.

Ybarra

M. L.

(2012). The internet as a safety net: Findings from a series of online focus groups with LGB and non-LGB young people in the United States. Journal of LGBT Youth, 9(3), 225–246, https://doi.org/10.1080/19361653.2012.684642

26.

Hurtado

(2018). Intersectional understandings of inequality. In Hammack

P. L.

(Ed.), Oxford handbook of social psychology and social justice (pp. 157–172). Oxford University Press.

27.

Hurtado

Cervantez

(2009). A view from within and from without: The development of Latina feminist psychology. In Villarruel

F. A.

Carlo

Grau

Azmitia

Cabrera

Chahin

T. J.

(Eds.), The handbook of US Latino psychology: Developmental and community-based perspectives (pp. 171–190). SAGE.

28.

Ibañez

G. E.

Van Oss Marin

Flores

S. A.

Millett

Diaz

R. M.

(2009). General and gay-related racism experienced by Latino gay men. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 15(3), 215. https://doi/10.1037/a0014613

29.

Jemal

(2017). Critical consciousness: A critique and critical analysis of the literature. The Urban Review, 49(4), 602–626. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-017-0411-3

30.

Kennedy

H. R.

Dalla

R. L.

(2014). Examining identity consolidation processes among ethnic minority gay men and lesbians. Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: The Quarterly Journal of Community & Clinical Practice, 26(4), 465–501. https://doi.org/10.1080/10538720.2014.951817

31.

Lizárraga

J. R.

Cortez

(2020). Cyborg jotería pedagogies: Latinx drag queens leveraging communication ecologies in the age of the digital and social displacement. Association of Mexican American Educators Journal, 14(2), 44–66. https://doi.org/10.24974/amae.14.2.358

32.

Logie

C. H.

Rwigema

(2014). “The normative idea of queer is a white person”: Understanding perceptions of white privilege among lesbian, bisexual, and queer women of color in Toronto, Canada. Journal of Lesbian Studies, 18(2), 174–191. https://doi.org/10.1080/10894160.2014.849165

33.

Major

O’Brien

L. T.

(2005). The social psychology of stigma. Annual Review of Psychology, 56, 393–421. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.56.091103.070137

34.

Martinez

Lee

J. H.

Bandiera

Santamaria

K. E.

Levine

E. C.

Operario

(2017). Sexual and behavioral health disparities among sexual minority Hispanic/Latinos: Findings from the National Health and Nutrition examination survey 2001-2014. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 53(2), 225–231. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2017.01.037

35.

McConnell

Néray

Hogan

Korpak

Clifford

Birkett

(2018). “Everybody puts their whole life on Facebook”: Identity management and the online social networks of LGBTQ youth. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 15(6), 1078. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph15061078

36.

McKenzie

(2022). Digital media as sites for cultural identity development: The case of Hmong American emerging adults. Journal of Adolescent Research. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1177/07435584221116312

37.

Meyer

I. H.

(2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 674–697. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.674

38.

Noyola

Sánchez

Cardemil

E. V

. (2020). Minority stress and coping among sexual diverse Latinxs. Journal of Latinx Psychology, 8(1), 58–82 https://doi.org/10.1037/lat0000143

39.

Padilla

A. M.

Perez

(2003). Acculturation, social identity, and social cognition: A new perspective. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Science, 25(1), 35–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/0739986303251694

40.

Parra

L. A.

Hastings

P. D

. (2018). Integrating the neurobiology of minority stress with an intersectionality framework for LGBTQ-latinx populations. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2018(161), 91–108. https://doi.org/10.1002/cad.20244

41.

Patton

M. Q.

(1999). Enhancing the quality and credibility of qualitative analysis. HSR: Health Services Research, 34(5), 1189–1208. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/10591279/

42.

Rodriguez-Seijas

Eaton

N. R.

Pachankis

J. E.

(2019). Prevalence of psychiatric disorders at the intersection of race and sexual orientation: Results from the National Epidemiologic Survey of Alcohol and Related Conditions-III. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 87, 321–331. https://doi.org/10.1037/ccp0000377

43.

Rogers

L. O.

Butler Barnes

Sahaguian

Padilla

Minor

(2021). #BlackGirlMagic: Using multiple data sources to learn about Black adolescent girls’ identities, intersectionality, and media socialization. Journal of Social Issues, 77(4), 1282–1304. https://doi.org/10.1111/josi.12483

44.

Santos

C. E.

VanDaalen

R. A.

(2018). Associations among psychological distress, high-risk activism, and conflict between ethnic-racial and sexual minority identities in lesbian, gay, bisexual racial/ethnic minority adults. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 65(2), 194–203. https://doi.org/10.1037/cou0000241

45.

Sarno

E. L.

Swann

Newcomb

M. E.

Whitton

S. W.

(2021). Intersectional minority stress and identity conflict among sexual and gender minority people of color assigned female at birth. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 27(3), 408–417. https://doi.org/10.1037/cdp0000412

46.

Scharrón-del Río

M. R.

Aja

A. A

. (2020). Latinx: Inclusive language as liberation praxis. Journal of Latinx Psychology, 8(1), 7–20. https://doi.org/10.1037/lat0000140

47.

Schmitz

R. M.

Coley

J. S.

Thomas

Ramirez

(2022). The cyber power of marginalized identities: Intersectional strategies of online LGBTQ+ Latinx activism. Feminist Media Studies, 22(2), 271–290. https://doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2020.1786430

48.

Sólorzano

Ceja

Yosso

(2000). Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education, 69(1/2), 60. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2696265

49.

Tajfel

(1981). Human groups and social categories: Studies in social psychology. Cambridge University Press.

50.

Tynes

B. M.

Garcia

E. L.

Giang

M. T.

Coleman

N. E.

(2011). The racial landscape of social networking sites: Forging identity, community, and civic engagement. A Journal of Law and Policy for the Information Society, 7(1), 71–100.

51.

Tynes

B. M.

Giang

M. T.

Thompson

G. N.

(2008). Ethnic identity, intergroup contact, and outgroup orientation among diverse groups of adolescents on the Internet. CyberPsychology & Behavior, 11(4), 459–465. https://doi.org/10.1089/cpb.2007.0085

52.

Tynes

B. M.

Willis

H. A.

Stewart

A. M.

Hamilton

M. W.

(2019). Race-related traumatic events online and mental health among adolescents of color. Journal of Adolescent Health, 65(3), 371–377. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jadohealth.2019.03.006

53.

Umaña-Taylor

A. J.

Updegraff

K. A.

(2007). Latino adolescents’ mental health: Exploring the interrelations among discrimination, ethnic identity, cultural orientation, self-esteem, and depressive symptoms. Journal of Adolescence, 30(4), 549–567. https://10.1016/j.adolescence.2006.08.002

54.

Umaña-Taylor

A. J.

Zeiders

K. H.

Updegraff

K. A.

(2013). Family ethnic socialization and ethnic identity: A family-driven, youth-driven, or reciprocal process? Journal of Family Psychology, 27(1), 137. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0031105

55.

Velez

B. L.

Moradi

DeBlaere

(2015). Multiple oppressions and the mental health of sexual minority Latina/o individuals. The Counseling Psychologist, 43(1), 7–38. https://doi.org/10.1177/0011000014542836

56.

Volpe

V. V.

Benson

G. P.

Czoty

Daniel

(2022). Not just time on social media: Experiences of online Racial/Ethnic discrimination and worse sleep quality for Black, Latinx, Asian, and Multi-racial young adults. Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40615-022-01410-7

57.

Watts

R. J.

Diemer

M. A.

Voight

A. M.

(2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and future directions. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 2011(134), 43–57. https://doi.org/10.1002/cd.310

58.

Yin

(2003). Case study research: Design and methods (3rd ed.). SAGE.

59.

Yon-Leau

Muñoz-Laboy

(2010). “I don’t like to say that I’m anything”: Sexuality politics and cultural critique among sexual-minority Latino youth. Sexuality Research & Social Policy, 7(2), 105–117. https://doi.org/1007/s13178-010-0009-y

60.

Zimmerman

Darnell

D. A.

Rhew

I. C.

Lee

C. M.

Kaysen

(2015). Resilience in community: A social-ecological development model for young adult sexual minority women. American Journal of Community Psychology, 55, 179–190. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10464-015-9702-6

“Those are the Spaces Where I Feel Seen and Fully Understood”: Digital Counterspaces Fostering Community,Resistance,and Intersectional Identities Among Latinx LGBTQ+ Emerging Adults

Abstract

Keywords

Review of Literature

Discrimination and Social Identities for Latinx LGBTQ+ Communities

Ethnoracial Socialization and Cultural Values

Digital Counterspaces as Contexts for Intersectional Social Identity Development

Theoretical Framework: Intersectionality for Latinx LGBTQ+ AFAB

Current Study

Method

Participant

Interview Procedure

Researcher Positionalities

Analytic Approach

Results

Intersectional Discrimination

Identity Work Through Narratives

Intersectional Counterspaces

Discussion

Affirmation, Critical Consciousness, and Counternarratives to Resist Oppression

A Coherent Sense of Self-Embodying Intersectional Social Identities

Limitations and Future Directions

Conclusion

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

ORCID iDs

Author Biographies

References