Abstract
Major life goals reflect what people generally strive for in life (Roberts & Robins, 2000). They provide guidance and consistency across situations (Hennecke & Freund, 2017) and play a fundamental role in shaping people’s everyday behavior. Several structural models of life goals have been suggested (e.g., Cantor et al., 1987; Pöhlmann & Brunstein, 1997; Roberts & Robins, 2000), most of which converge on the idea that goals can be hierarchically organized within two broad domains:
In this study, we examine the rank-order stability, ipsative stability, and mean-level change in the importance of major life goals in the domains of agency and communion in a sample of first-time parents and a comparison group of romantic partners without children across two assessments over a period of one year. In doing so, we examined whether and which life goals predict parenthood status (selection effects) and whether new parents’ life goals may change in response to the birth of their first child (socialization effects).
Stability and change in major life goals
In the following, we provide a brief overview of different indices of stability and change (e.g., Caspi et al., 2005), review corresponding evidence for major life goals, and discuss possible mechanisms underlying stability and change in life goals.
Rank-order stability
Rank-order stability represents the extent to which the relative ordering of individuals on a certain variable remains stable across two assessment waves. The most straightforward way to assess the rank-order stability of a variable is a test–retest correlation.
Past research indicated that the rank-order stability of major life goals is moderate with average test–retest correlations of ∼
Ipsative stability
In contrast to variable-oriented approaches such as rank-order stability, ipsative stability (also known as profile stability) is a person-oriented indicator of stability vs. change. Ipsative stability describes the relative stability of the rank-ordering of constructs within an individual over time and has often been expressed as a
Mean-level change
Mean-level change refers to average changes in a variable in a population and is often expressed as the standardized mean-level difference between two assessments over a certain period of time. Longitudinal studies found age-graded mean-level decreases in the importance of most major life goals, particularly during young adulthood (Atherton et al., 2020; Hill et al., 2016; Lüdtke et al., 2009; Roberts et al., 2004; for an opposed finding, see Dunlop et al., 2017).
Mean-level decreases in goal importance have been theorized to reflect a normative age-graded decrease in social and personal resources. Such shifts in resources may limit the number of goals individuals can reasonably pursue at any given time (Lüdtke et al., 2009; Roberts et al., 2004). In other words, people likely adjust their goal priorities when faced with diminishing resources (e.g., Haase et al., 2013). For example, transitioning into work life and actively pursuing a career (strivings for
Summary
Different indices of stability and change can provide unique and non-overlapping information about the development of life goals. In the present study, we aim to provide a comprehensive examination of the rank-order stability, ipsative stability, and mean-level change in life goals during the transition to parenthood and in a comparison group of couples without children. In doing so, our main goal was to tease apart selection from socialization effects on life goals in the context of parenthood, as we will outline in more detail next.
Life goals during the transition to parenthood
Past research has established that major life goals can and do change across the lifespan with the most pronounced changes occurring during young adulthood (e.g., Hill et al., 2016). A natural question to consider is what drives these changes. Longitudinal behavioral genetic research has emphasized the influence of both genetic and environmental influences on change in major life goals (Bleidorn et al., 2010). However, the question remains what exactly is it in the environment that drives changes in life goals.
Major theories of aging and initial longitudinal evidence highlight the role of life events in goal development (Baltes & Baltes, 1990; Brandtstädter & Renner, 1990; Elder et al., 2003; Heckhausen, 1999; Pickles & Rutter, 1991; Salmela-Aro et al., 2007). A life event that has been deemed particularly influential for young adults' development is the transition to parenthood. The transition to parenthood goes along with marked shifts in new parents’ resources including their time (Craig & Mullan, 2010; Nomaguchi & Bianchi, 2004), finances (Nelson et al., 2014; Pollmann‐Schult, 2014), mental health (Helbig et al., 2006; Mckenzie & Carter, 2013), well-being (Nelson et al., 2014; Umberson et al., 2010), and interpersonal relationships (Bost et al., 2002; Doss et al., 2009). During pregnancy and early parenthood, resources such as time, energy, and money are likely oriented towards the child, leading to potential shortages in other areas of life. However, this effect might vary across parents depending on their resources and lifestyles prior to parenthood (see Roeters et al., 2016). For instance, people who used to spend a lot of time with their friends and social networks before childbirth may experience greater shifts in this particular domain compared to people who used to spend less time socializing.
Only few empirical studies have examined major life goals in periods of transition (e.g., Lüdtke et al., 2009). A key question for studies observing periods of transition is whether life goals predict the experience of life events (i.e., selection effects) or whether the experience of certain life events may shape people’s life goals over time (i.e., socialization effects). For most parents in Western societies, the birth of a child is an event that is purposefully chosen and planned. Any associations between parenthood status and life goals may thus reflect both selection and socialization effects. Cross-sectional studies are useful in determining whether and to what degree parents differ in their life goals from nonparents. However, to disentangle selection from socialization effects, longitudinal studies including relevant comparison groups are needed.
For example, longitudinal research on parenthood and the Big Five provided robust evidence that higher levels of extraversion and lower levels of openness (Asselmann & Specht, 2020; Jokela et al., 2011; van Scheppingen et al., 2016) predict selection into parenthood while there is little replicable evidence for socialization effects of parenthood on any of the Big Five traits (Denissen et al., 2019; Galdiolo & Roskam, 2014; Specht et al., 2011; van Scheppingen et al., 2016). In contrast to the growing body of research on parenthood and personality traits, relatively little is known about selection effects of and socialization effects on major life goals. Indeed, to our knowledge, only one study has observed goal change during the transition to parenthood as of yet. Salmela-Aro et al. (2000) asked parents to list three personal goals, i.e. things they hoped to accomplish, which were then classified into one of 12 content categories by two assessors. Data were assessed three times, from 12 weeks pregnant to 3 months after birth. Providing initial evidence that certain life goals may change during the transition to parenthood, this study found decreases in self- and achievement-related (i.e.,
The present study
The purpose of this pre-registered (https://osf.io/nb3qw/) study was to examine the rank-order stability, ipsative stability, and mean-level change in major life goals in a sample of expecting parents and a comparison sample of nonparents. Consistent with Austin and Vancouver (1996) and Pöhlmann and Brunstein (1997), we conceptualized major life goals as relatively broad guiding principles that, similar to values, define and structure major motives in life. In the assessment of life goals, researchers have distinguished individual differences in goal importance, attainability, progress, and effort (e.g., Pöhlmann et al., 2010). Here, we focus on the importance of life goals (see also Lüdtke et al., 2009; Roberts et al., 2004).
Although past research provided little evidence that life events impact the stability of broad individual difference variables (Specht et al., 2011), we first explored whether the rank-order (variable-oriented approach) or ipsative stability (person-oriented approach) of life goals is generally lower in parents compared to nonparents. We then examined selection and socialization effects for each of the six lower-order goals summarized under the higher-order domains of agency (
Based on past research on goal development, we predicted to find an overall decrease in the importance of life goals across parents and nonparents. With parents presumably experiencing a greater shortage in resources than nonparents, we expected them to show more pronounced mean-level decreases in
Finally, based on previous findings highlighting the implications of parenthood for mothers’ motives (Salmela-Aro et al., 2000), psychological well-being (e.g., Bleidorn et al., 2010), and resources (e.g., Baxter et al., 2015), we explored potential changes separately for mothers and fathers, and compared these to changes in women and men without children, respectively.
Method
Participants and procedure
We used data of first-time parents and couples without children from the Transition to Parenthood Study, a Dutch longitudinal study of participants with and without children. An overview of all variables assessed in this project can be found in the codebook which is publicly available at the projects’ OSF page (https://osf.io/nb3qw/). All participants were in a romantic relationship and between 19 and 45 years old. Partners were invited to participate together but it was also allowed to participate without the romantic partner. A total of
Participants completed online surveys at four measurement occasions. Here, we used data only data from the first (6 weeks before the expected birth date; later referred to as T1) and the third occasion (12 months after child birth; later referred to as T2), where the importance of life goals was assessed. The dataset has been used in past research (Lenhausen et al., 2021; Lenhausen et al., 2020; van Scheppingen et al., 2018). However, none of the studies focused on life goals and the first author of the present article had no access to the data prior to pre-registering this study.
Measures
Agentic and communal life goals were assessed with a Dutch translation of the self-report GOALS questionnaire (Pöhlmann & Brunstein, 1997; for more details, see Pöhlmann et al., 2010; Zimmermann et al., 2017). Participants rated the importance of three agentic goals:
Analyses
All analyses were conducted using the software R (R Core Team, 2020), and mainly the package lavaan (Rosseel, 2012). If not mentioned otherwise, analyses were conducted separately for
Rank-order stability
We assessed the relative ordering of the participants as a test–retest correlation across the two measurement occasions. We compared parents’ and nonparents’ correlations examining whether the correlations where outside of the confidence interval of the comparison group. For example, we tested whether the rank-order correlation for mothers’ achievement fell within the 95% confidence interval of the rank-order correlation for nonmothers’ achievement and vice versa.
Ipsative stability
We computed
Selection and socialization effects
We used
Mean-level change was examined using latent change score models allowing residuals to correlate over time. Model fit was evaluated using standard recommendations for CFI (<.95), RMSEA (<.06), and SRMR (<.08; Hu & Bentler, 1999). Parceling was used for the models of
Results
Prior to testing our hypotheses, we tested for potential effects of attrition by comparing participants who provided data at both assessments (
Mean level differences in goals across time for mothers, nonmothers, fathers, and nonfathers.
Rank-order stability
Rank-order correlations were medium to large in size (see Table 2), ranging from
Rank-order stabilities across T1 and T2.
Ipsative stability
Overall, ipsative stabilities were high (all
Selection effects
To test for selection effects, we compared the mean-levels of parents’ and nonparents’ life goals at T1 using

Differences in goals between mothers, nonmothers, fathers, and nonfathers at T1.
Socialization effects
Prior to testing socialization effects, we conducted measurement invariance tests across assessments waves to make sure that mean-level differences of the latent variables can be compared across time. With one exception, results indicated scalar or partial scalar invariance for each of the six goals and the two higher-order goal variables (CFI > .95, RMSEA < .07, see Table S4 and S5 in the supplement). Specifically, for
The raw means indicated little change in both parent and nonparent samples from T1 to T2, with Cohen’s
We used multiple-group latent change score models to compare potential differences in mean-level trajectories in the six goals and the two higher-order goals between parents and nonparents. We chose to be less restrictive with the fit criteria and followed those already applied for other individual difference variables (Hopwood & Donnellan, 2010) instead of those by Hu and Bentler (1999). With the exception of
Results of multigroup latent change models.
Discussion
In the present study, we observed stability and change of life goals in first-time parents and couples without children. We examined stability using a variable-oriented (rank-order stability) and a person-oriented approach (ipsative stability). Both indices indicated high stability in parents’ and nonparents’ life goals over the course of one year. Expecting mothers but not fathers differed from nonparents in several goal domains prior childbirth (selection effects). However, we found little evidence for mean-level change in general, or for differences in the mean-level change trajectories of parents and nonparents (socialization effects). Overall, these results suggest that the importance of major life goals is quite stable, even amid a major life event such as the transition to parenthood. As such, selection rather than socialization effects appear to explain the differences in life goals between parents and nonparents.
How stable are life goals?
The rank-order stability of all goal dimensions was high and in the range of previous findings (e.g.,
Not only the rank-ordering of individuals along the goal dimensions but also the rank-ordering of goal dimensions within individuals – the ipsative stability of life goals – was high in both parents and nonparents. That means, independent of the parenthood status for most individuals the order in the importance of their life goals did not change across the study period. However, we explored and found significant differences between women and men indicating that even though both genders were highly stable, men were slightly less consistent in the ranking of their life goals.
In summary, results for both indicators of stability, variable- and person-oriented, emphasized that life goals are rather stable constructs, even in the face of a major life event such as the transition to parenthood. This finding is consistent with the life goals literature that has highlighted their function as guiding principles that provide direction and consistency across situations and roles (Hennecke & Freund, 2017; Roberts & Robins, 2000).
However, high levels of rank-order and ipsative stability do not exclude the possibility of mean-level change in major life goals. To test whether life goals change during the transition to parenthood, we compared parents’ and nonparents’ life goals before and after the transition to parenthood.
Do parents and nonparents differ in their life goals?
As hypothesized, we found evidence for selection effects indicating that mothers and nonmothers differ in their life goals. Specifically, compared to nonmothers, mothers scored generally lower in the agency-related goals
Is parenthood associated with change in life goals?
Previous research established age-graded mean-level decreases in life goal importance, particularly during young adulthood (Atherton et al., 2020; Roberts et al., 2004). This pattern might be a result of age-graded decreases in resources (Lüdtke et al., 2009; Roberts et al., 2004) that tend to occur as a consequence of life events such as the transition to parenthood. Goal selection, i.e. decrease in most life goals’ importance, which is assumed to ensure functioning and effective goal pursuit (Baltes et al., 2006), may be accelerated by major life events. Consistent with these assumptions, we expected mean-level decreases in most life goals, particularly in parents, as they should experience an even greater decrease in resources than nonparents (see for example Nelson et al., 2014). Different to our expectations, we found very little evidence for mean-level change in life goals and only few differences between parents and nonparents.
In summary, we found little evidence for life goal change in response to the transition to parenthood. The lack of socialization effects associated with parenthood is consistent with research on other individual difference variables, such as the Big Five (Galdiolo & Roskam, 2014; Jokela et al., 2011; van Scheppingen et al., 2016; but see also Asselmann & Specht, 2020). Overall, life goals and other psychological variables appear to predict who will select into parenthood but do not seem to change in response to the experience of this life transition.
An important question is when the observed differences between parents and nonparents emerge. For example, parents-to-be may undergo changes in life goals long before their decision of having a child (see Bass, 2015) or during pregnancy. Salmela-Aro et al. (2000) found some evidence to support the hypothesis that parents’ experience changes in life goals immediately before the birth of their child, at least with regard to mothers’ achievement strivings. While the amount of achievement goals declined from the 12th to the 36th week of pregnancy in this study, it was stable from the 36th week to 3 months after birth. In the present study, life goals were only assessed once before child birth, thus we could not quantify the timing of change.
Gender differences
We hypothesized that parenthood would have a more profound influence on mothers’ than fathers’ goal structures, as mothers experience generally more physical, emotional, and psychological changes and often assume the role of the primary caregiver (Poudevigne & O’Connor, 2006; Ruppanner et al., 2019; Salmela-Aro et al., 2000). Even though we found only few effects, mothers tended to differ more in life goals from nonmothers, than fathers did from nonfathers. In particular, we found several selection effects in women’s agentic life goals but none in men’s. This might be explained by anticipation effects. That is, Bass (2015) found that women but not men tend to constrain their career aspirations in anticipation of potential future parenthood. She suggested that socially constructed gender expectations may be a driving force leading to more mental examination of possible role conflicts, time and financial constraints occurring with parenthood, which may ultimately lead to lower scores in agency related goals in becoming mothers. Gender differences may also be explained by selection, based on more stable individual differences in goals, instead of anticipation. For men who are high on agentic goals (in the Netherlands), it might not make a big difference for their career if they have children or not, as they just keep working. For women it does make a difference, so women high on agentic goals may be more likely to postpone childbirth or not have children at all.
Limitations and future directions
The strengths of this pre-registered study include the use of a prospective longitudinal design including parents and nonparents which allowed us to examine stability and change in life goals during the transition to parenthood. Nevertheless, there are several limitations that should be considered. First, even though the total sample consisted of more than 500 participants, the sample size within the groups of mothers, fathers, nonmothers, and nonfathers was only modest by contemporary standards resulting in limited statistical power. Second, studies with more and earlier assessments leading up to the decision of having a baby could provide important insights into potential anticipation effects prior and during pregnancy. With our data, we were not able to detect such potential early changes. Third, we found attrition effects for
Conclusion
We observed stability and change in life goals during the transition to parenthood to approach the question whether a major life event such as parenthood can be considered as an environmental influence that drives changes in life goals. We found selection effects indicating lower importance of agentic goals in mothers compared to nonmothers but little evidence that parenthood leads to change in major life goals.
Supplemental Material
sj-pdf-1-erp-10.1177_0890207021996894 - Supplemental material for Stability and change in major life goals during the transition to parenthood
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-erp-10.1177_0890207021996894 for Stability and change in major life goals during the transition to parenthood by Caroline Wehner, Manon A. van Scheppingen and Wiebke Bleidorn in European Journal of Personality
Footnotes
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Declaration of conflicting interests
Funding
Supplemental material
References
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