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Abstract

This article explores the influence of cultural constraints on entrepreneurial motivations for women entrepreneurs of the Muslim faith. A qualitative approach is taken by drawing from extraordinarily rare interviews with 17 women entrepreneurs who run businesses in the open market in the Northwest region of Pakistan. Push and pull factors were examined in the context of cultural constraints using the lens of post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories. The findings reveal that some entrepreneurs are pulled into entrepreneurship to give something back to local youths and to improve their life chances and/or reduce hardship. In relation to the push factors, some entrepreneurs decided to do something about the harsh circumstances they found themselves in to demonstrate their agency. All were aware of the cultural constraints around them and are highly motivated to overcome these as role models for future generations and to hopefully achieve parity with male peers. This research contributes to the existing literature by providing new insights to the reader in extending the post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories for women Muslim entrepreneurs in Pakistan. Furthermore, it also demonstrates how cultural constraints related to family issues motivate women in a male-dominated society to become entrepreneurs.

Keywords

cultural constraints entrepreneurship motivational factors Muslim women entrepreneurs

Introduction

The related topics of ‘female entrepreneurship’ and ‘women entrepreneurs’ have received significant attention from academic scholars, practitioners and social commentators during the last decade, particularly in relation to exploring novel dimensions in the context of women's entrepreneurship (Lewis et al., 2022; Marlow, 2020). This is important because women entrepreneurs face a so-called ‘Double Bind’ (Litz, 2011) whereby they have dual familial and work-related responsibilities on their shoulders as they not only participate in entrepreneurial activities but also perform traditional household chores (Agarwal and Lenka, 2015). This is particularly problematic in many patriarchal ethnic cultures including Pakistan (Sahar, 2022). Generally, women entrepreneurs in developing countries face several barriers and well documented by Panda (2018). Indeed, Sahar (2022) counsels against treating all women operating in a third-world context as a homogenous entity as is often the case in the writings of the majority of Western feminist scholars. Sahar argues that not all women are poor and passive victims without agency, who need saving and thus need to be spoken for. It is not a binary choice, but a complex one. For Sahar Western feminism often unintentionally creates a ‘discursive homogenization’ and ‘systematization of the oppression’ faced by women in the ‘Third World’ (see Mohanty, 2003). In addition, Baer (2007) also argues that many Muslim women face a second ‘Double Bind’ whereby they have to conform to cultural and social mores associated with race and religion. Nevertheless, as a general rule predominately women entrepreneurs in developing countries, particularly in the male-dominated society do face more cultural and religious constraints, and less entrepreneurial opportunities than Western women as these are deemed to be masculine spaces (Elkafrawi and Refai, 2022; Ghouse et al., 2021; Nasir et al., 2019; Roomi and Parrott, 2008; Yaqoob, 2020; Yunis et al., 2018). These studies, and others, collectively articulate how these cultural constraints combine to effect and affect their entrepreneurial motivation significantly. Despite an emerging, protean literature on constraints, to date, it is appreciated by many entrepreneurship scholars that more, specific research is required in relation to exploring different dimensions of cultural constraints and their positive impact on motivation, particularly in the context of Muslim-women entrepreneurs in developing countries (Franzke et al., 2022) who face several impediments which are related to contextual, institutional, structure and cultural constraints which influence their entrepreneurial motivation (Sahar, 2022). In fact, cultural and religious constraints, particularly for women entrepreneurs in developing countries who operate businesses in confined walls, develop enormous impediments for women and are well documented by academic scholars (Goyal and Yadav, 2014; Muhammad et al., 2017b , 2019). These barriers mostly emerge from informal institutions (i.e. unwritten but enforced social rules) which they must follow because they are imposed on them, particularly in Pakistan (Muhammad et al., 2019). Women entrepreneurs in Pakistan have received significant attention from several academic scholars and international agencies (Muhammad et al., 2017a; Roomi and Harrison, 2010; Roomi and Parrott, 2008; Yunis et al., 2018). It is important to note that Pakistani society is patriarchal in nature, it is diverse and holds contradictory views with no consensus as to the definition of women's rights (Roomi and Harrison, 2010). Irrespective of one's philosophical position on the argument, it is difficult to argue against the belief that women in Pakistan face harsh cultural norms due to the strict patriarchal environment where they live (Muhammad et al., 2017a; Yunis and Hashim, 2020; Yunis et al., 2018). These harsh cultural norms act as constraints for them which impacts their entrepreneurial motivation. There are many documented cultural constraints which have been identified previously in academic literature, particularly in developing countries contexts, for example, gender, marital status, financial status, poverty, caste system, patriarchal system, language, dress-code, veiling, religious and spiritual belief, cultural belief, political belief and many more (Ghouse et al., 2017; Marlow, 2020). Some of these constraints have a huge impact on even those women who are financially stable and have the intention to launch entrepreneurial ventures to contribute to the local economy. Nevertheless, cultural and religious constraints restrict them to fulfil their entrepreneurial endeavours. In another scenario, those women, who are in extreme poverty condition, do not launch entrepreneurial activities due to these cultural and religious constraints, thereby affecting the levels of or success of female entrepreneurship in those regions (Bullough et al., 2019).

Cultural constraints are different in each part of the world depending upon the region where women entrepreneurs live (Mohanty, 2003). However, Muslim women entrepreneurs, particularly in Pakistan face several additional cultural and religious constraints which ultimately affect their entrepreneurial motivation. Research has shown that cultural constraints affect the motivation of women entrepreneurs, particularly Muslim women where they must balance both entrepreneurial activities with household responsibilities (Nasir et al., 2019). Therefore, based on these circumstances, this research demonstrates that besides the negative impact of cultural and religious constraints, can these constraints motivate Muslim-women entrepreneurs in patriarchal societies to become entrepreneurs. This context means that cultural constraints are mostly explored in relation to how they affect or demotivate women to launch entrepreneurial ventures, particularly in developing Muslim countries like Pakistan (Franzke et al., 2022). So, the key aim of this research is to explore if and how cultural constraints can positively impact Muslim-women entrepreneurs’ motivation. Therefore, based on these circumstances, one research question has been developed ‘What role does culture play to motivate women entrepreneurs in tightly constrained entrepreneurial spaces using the lens of post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories?’ Generally, the motivation of entrepreneurs has been explored in the entrepreneurship literature in the context of pull and push factors (Goby and Erogul, 2011; Parveen et al., 2020; Yap Peng Lok et al., 2019). Such pull factors rely on opportunity-driven entrepreneurship (Özsungur, 2019), and push factors are based on necessity-driven entrepreneurship (Williams, 2008). However, we seek to extend the lens of pull and push factors in the context of entrepreneurial motivation, by linking the pull factors to post-materialism theory and push factors to dissatisfaction theory (Tlaiss, 2015). We are interested in what positive pull and push factors emerge under the cultural constraints which motivate Muslim women to become entrepreneurs.

This research, therefore, contributes to the extant women's entrepreneurship literature in several ways. Firstly, although previous research has examined pull and push factors in the context of women entrepreneurs motivation (Parveen et al., 2020; Yap Peng Lok et al., 2019), there remains a dearth of research examining which cultural norms are antecedents to motivate women in male-dominated societies to become entrepreneurs. Secondly, there is a close relationship between pull factors and post-materialism theory (Tlaiss, 2015) where financial incentives are ignored due to the perceived wealth and heightened social position of entrepreneurs. Consequentially, this research challenges and redirects the previous findings whose samples mainly ignored financial incentives or being in financial difficulties. Thirdly, push factors are mostly linked to the dissatisfaction theory (Gódány et al., 2021). This study adds unique elements to the pull factors, mostly related to cultural issues that many women face in a conservative society which are the core antecedents behind their push factors. A more nuanced knowledge of such antecedents thus extends the lens of the dissatisfaction theory and highlights the cultural constraints for women entrepreneurs in an extremely challenging environment.

In the following sections, the research context is outlined, and the existing literature on the push and pull factors is critically discussed. Next, the research methodology is discussed, followed by the contextualised findings. These are then discussed in relation to the wider existing literature which enables us to reach a conclusion, practical implications and to posit research limitations and directions for future research.

Literature review on perceived cultural constraints

The purpose of this literature review is to compare and contrast the experiences of women entrepreneurs in developed and developing countries sporadically and to systematically and critically engage with existing literature. Moreover, we seek to challenge the fallacy of the assumption that the experience of women entrepreneurs in the West is largely superior to those in developing countries. It is not, it is merely another social construction (Sahar, 2022). As articulated above, there is an emergent literature about cultural constraints and entrepreneurial proclivity in developing countries and contexts (Ghouse et al., 2021; Nasir et al., 2019; Roomi and Parrott, 2008; Yaqoob, 2020; Yunis et al., 2018). This review builds upon this growing appreciation by synthesising the literatures on entrepreneurship and push and pull theory. A perusal of the literature indicates that the literatures on gender, culture and the interplay of religion in the context of women entrepreneurs in developing countries stresses the complexity of the interplay between culture and religion (Islam in this instance).

Cultural constraints are an endemic reality (Hofstede, 1993), and culture can influence individual agency (Archer, 1996). There are about 8 billion people in the world experiencing constrained environments such as different climates, languages, religions, traditions and local norms which they espouse until their death (Macro Trends)¹. This diversity, which is normally considered positively, can be a source of creativity but can also be problematic when one must challenge cultural constraints, such as modesty, and stand in opposition to the masses (Sahar, 2022; Syed et al., 2005).² In this review, we consider culture in relation to gendered modesty and motivation for entrepreneurship in relation to push versus pull factors.

Motivation for entrepreneurship (push and pull factors)

Engagement with entrepreneurship can be driven by both pecuniary and non-pecuniary motives such as a desire for independence, personal development, a need for achievement (Maslow, 1970; McClelland, 1961) and to obtain social standing through a contribution to society (Dhesi, 2010). The ‘pull–push’ model categorises those factors that impact or motivate people to engage in entrepreneurial activities (Verheul et al., 2006). The pull factors (aka demand factors) consider that individuals are motivated towards entrepreneurship resulting from an underlying expectation that it will provide greater material and/or non-material benefits: with non-economic motivations often being the most powerful for women (Uhlaner and Thurik, 2010). Proponents of the pull theory perceive entrepreneurship to be shaped largely by agency and individual choice, where individuals voluntarily seek out greater independence, challenge and success (Hughes, 2003). In relation to the pull factors to women's entrepreneurship, previous studies suggest that as family responsibilities generally impose more upon women (Litz, 2011), they may be pulled into entrepreneurship because of maternal responsibilities (Itani et al., 2011).

More recent gender-based entrepreneurship research has found that women entrepreneurs have a hybrid identity (often many intersecting identities), in which they balance or readily adopt either feminine or masculine traits necessary for entrepreneurial success in a given context, despite being pulled in to address a personal, social or business need (Meliou and Edwards, 2018). Hybrid identities can become more complex once multiple identity demographics are considered (e.g. Muslim, women and entrepreneur) as they must face and overcome multiple, often contradicting, historical and cultural norms to be successful entrepreneurs. For instance, Muslim women simultaneously engage with the conflicting cultural norms of traditional conservatism and more modern liberalism to be identified as ‘good’ or ‘bad’ practicing Muslim women in a given context (Althalathini et al., 2021). The consequences of such hybrid identities, according to Lewis et al. (2022) postfeminist exploration of mumpreneurs (mothers and entrepreneurs), is that women can still be excluded (by others and themselves) if they move too far away from traditional gender-based (or other identity) norms or practices of masculine forms of entrepreneurial activities. It is therefore important to consider how the experiences of those with intersecting identities, impacted by the overlaying cultural and social norms attached to those identities, act as push and/or pull factors to influence women's entrepreneurial motivation.

The pull argument is supported theoretically by materialism or post-materialism perspective (Uhlaner and Thurik, 2010) which theorises that people are motivated into entrepreneurship due to non-material considerations such as personal satisfaction, personal achievements, expression, values, philanthropic motives, human rights, etc. This is known as post-materialism, that is, after the materialistic motivation stage has been passed. People with money, time and resources fall into this category of entrepreneurs. Linking this theory to this study, the sample of women interviewed are not well-off, and their pull factors might be different from work previously explored as they are not from middle-class backgrounds but rather working class (Tlaiss, 2015). Therefore, our focal points are those women who either obey the cultural constraints and consider this as a protective tool against societal threats (familial and societal judgement), or those who reject cultural constraints and go against the local expectations to pursue their entrepreneurship goals. Thus, in respect to pull factors, the empirical element of the research analyses what these factors are in relation to women entrepreneurs using post-materialism theory.

In contrast to pull arguments, push factors (aka supply factors) reflect a ‘conflict between one's current and one's desired state’ (Uhlaner and Thurik, 2010: 3) and are associated with dissatisfaction. Women may (often out of necessity) therefore consider becoming entrepreneurs as a result of dissatisfaction with factors such as a lack of flexibility (Jamali, 2009); the security/availability of waged employment (Hughes, 2003) and discrimination limiting pay and promotions (Itani et al., 2011). When comparing countries, the relevance of these push factors varies with the structural characteristics of the population, such as population growth, urbanisation rate, age structure and unemployment rates (Verheul et al., 2006). Cultural values and beliefs play an important role, including how they affect gender inequality (Lewis et al., 2022). Push factors have been explored in the context of dissatisfaction theory which suggests, that in a predominantly non-entrepreneurial culture, a clash of values may occur between some individuals and predominant cultural values, leading them to reject organisational employment and self-select entrepreneurship (Hofstede et al., 2009). Using this theory, this study explores whether women who moved from employment to entrepreneurial work were pushed to entrepreneurship as predicted by the push argument and dissatisfaction theory. Therefore, to explore the push factors of women entrepreneurs in the context of dissatisfaction theory. Although research is limited, it is clear that cultural and religious restrictions greatly influence entrepreneurial motivation in particular societies. We add the cultural/religious element, where previously no empirical research has sought to distinguish the push and pull motivational factors for women entrepreneurs using post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories.

Culture in relation to gendered modesty: Pakistan context

Pakistan as a country came into existence in 1947 after nearly two hundred years of British Colonial rule. Before British rule, the Indian subcontinent was ruled for nearly 800 years by Muslim rulers including the great Mughals from 1526 to 1799 (see Ahsan, 2003 for a deeper discussion of the politics of independence). It should also be noted here that the very foundation of this newly born state of Pakistan in 1947 was purely based on Islam. This has important implications for Pakistan as a nation and its people in every way, that is, politically, economically, historically, socially and culturally both within Pakistan and its existence in the wider world.

Almost 95% of people in Pakistan are Muslim (Figure 1). About half of the population of Pakistan are women (48.8%) (Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Women's literacy competency levels (51.8%) are well below the levels of men (72.5%) due to educational attainment differences (Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, 2019). Furthermore, women have a higher unemployment rate than men mainly because the entrepreneurial environment in Pakistan for women entrepreneurs is not easy due to many socio-cultural factors and only one percent of women are entrepreneurs in Pakistan (World Bankr We-Fi Report, 2020)³. Generally, women entrepreneurs in rural areas, face more infrastructure challenges as compared to urban areas, particularly in developing countries (Ghouse et al., 2017). No doubt, rural women have skills and play an important role in economic development. Focusing on this important factor of rural women's entrepreneurship, a recent study on Nigerian rural women entrepreneurs’ promoters a combined role of the Ministry of Women Affairs, Commerce and Industry in providing encouragement and training to the rural women to sustain their livelihood by income-generating ventures (Alozie and Isiwu, 2020).

Figure 1.

Map of Pakistan.

Research has shown that the impact and influence of cultural constraints are often harsher and more severe on women in comparison to men in many contexts and particularly in a poor underdeveloped country, such as Pakistan (Jalal-ud-Din and Khan, 2008; Sahar, 2022), particularly the psychological, cultural and religious factors which develop constraints for women entrepreneurs in Pakistan (Khan et al., 2021). Indeed, Sahar investigated Pakistani Muslim women activists and the ways in which they emerge from being a benign presence in a masculinist culture to occupying spaces of resistance, challenging patriarchal notions and stereotypical images of women, and thus becoming a guiding force for other women. Sahar does acknowledge that Muslim women entrepreneurs and activists struggle in their respective domains to bring the voices of women into light and are kept imprisoned in the ‘double bind’ (Litz, 2011) where they are judged by patriarchy at home and are perceived as victims who need saving in the western hegemonic discourses. In some developing countries, women face enormous challenges in trying to accomplish their entrepreneurial dreams while balancing both family responsibilities and business (Ozasir Kacar et al., 2023), particularly those women who operate businesses in rural areas where besides institutional barriers, they also encounter cultural and religious traditions that discourage entrepreneurship thus hindering the economic development of the country (Muhammad et al., 2017a). A recent study conducted by (Ghouse et al., 2019) identified different challenges for women entrepreneurs in Oman including no proper access to specialised suppliers for staying ahead of the competition, and the high cost of raw materials which develop barriers to their entrepreneurial growth. Therefore, besides financial challenges which is a global barrier for women entrepreneurs, particularly in developing countries (Ghouse et al., 2017), women entrepreneurs in Pakistan also face cultural and religious restrictions which deter their entrepreneurial motivation.

In many societies, and particularly in a Pakistani context, women bear the brunt of cultural compliance and are expected to obey the local norms and cultural rules laid by their patriarchal society (Goby and Erogul, 2011). This may result in constrained educational opportunities and an expectation for women to remain within the boundaries of their homes thus reducing their entrepreneurial skill development and available opportunities (Jalal-ud-Din and Khan, 2008).

After marriage, due to embedded sociocultural norms Pakistani women are often expected to look after their husbands, bear children and play an active role in housekeeping and leave the breadwinning role to men (Goby and Erogul, 2011; Syed, 2008; Syed et al., 2005). However, due to the harsh economic conditions in many developing countries, where men have no education or specific accredited skills, and where there are no job or career opportunities for men in the external environment, women must contribute to fill the economic void and take action to earn a living. In these instances, women are thus expected to support the family in addition to playing the role of a wife, mother and breadwinning (Syed, 2008).

When stepping outside the home, the cultural expectation within Pakistan dictates that women must cover themselves and remain decent and faithful to their families (Devi and Kaur, 2019). In the Indian sub-continent (India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) covering is driven mainly by culture and tradition (Göle, 1996). Even non-Muslim women are expected to cover themselves and obey the family norms and fulfil their expectations when outside home (Devi and Kaur, 2019). As articulated by Mohanty (2003) and Sahar (2022), not every Muslim woman is a victim and that some women will have no problems with accepting the cultural norms. In a society like Pakistan where women are expected to obey several cultural norms, should a woman intend to disobey these norms this can result in harmful circumstances for them such as societal or family ostracisation (Choudhry et al., 2019). This is because women in Pakistan have limitless responsibilities on their shoulders, not only to support their husbands, fathers and brother but also cultural responsibilities which they are bound to fulfil (Nasir et al., 2019). Research regarding cultural constraints shows different perspectives on how these develop barriers for people, particularly for women entrepreneurs (Aramand, 2012). In developed countries, particularly the Western world women are more likely to experience less constraining cultural norms which do not limit their entrepreneurial opportunities (Rinaldi and Tagliazucchi, 2021) and enjoy a freer environment where they are not affected as much by dominant and extreme patriarchal cultural norms. Although research has shown, across many different countries that women are more likely to experience difficulties in securing entrepreneurship opportunities compared with men, due to prevailing gender-based norms which favour men (e.g. Cardella et al., 2020) in Pakistan, women are bound to obey cultural norms which generally develop barriers for their entrepreneurial motivation (Choudhry et al., 2019). In this research, we are trying to view the topic through different lenses by focusing on if and how these cultural constraints could act as a source of motivation for these women entrepreneurs. We see cultural constraints as a spring with immense potential to enhance entrepreneurial opportunities and subsequently overcoming some of these cultural constraints to provide more independence and freedom. So, we attempt to provide awareness and balance, which to our knowledge has not been explored before. In fact, some studies focus on the negative impact of some cultural constraints (Rehman and Azam Roomi, 2012). However, research conducted by Muhammad et al. (2019), shows how forced marriage, which is considered by many as a key harsh decision imposed on women, influences their entrepreneurial intentions where they are motivated for entrepreneurship as compared to love and arranged marriages. This is because when women experience forced marriages, they have a strong desire for more independence and are motivated towards entrepreneurship to achieve their independence. Thus, looking towards the positive impact of cultural constraints, using the approach by Muhammad et al. (2019) by examining the negative impact of cultural constraints, which are identified in previous studies (e.g. Şeşen and Pruett, 2014), this study seeks to explore how cultural constraints affect entrepreneurial motivation, particularly in a patriarchal society like Pakistan.

Methodology

This study aims to achieve a better and deeper understanding of the motivational factors of Muslim women entrepreneurs where they survive and grow in a tightly constrained entrepreneurial space see also (Langevang et al., 2018). Our research question (hereafter RQ) relating to the role culture plays in motivating women entrepreneurs in tightly constrained entrepreneurial spaces is sensitive and worthy of exploration, using in-depth investigation to gain rich insights related to cultural constraints. Therefore, to explore this lacuna in the literature, we adopt a qualitative research approach based on semi-structured interviews with women entrepreneurs to capture the impact of cultural constraints on the entrepreneurial motivation of Muslim women entrepreneurs (De Bruin et al., 2007), because this method allows the researcher to plough deeper into the complexity of the problem and gain more enriched data and therefore understanding of the topic (Seaman, 2008). Furthermore, a qualitative case study is an empirical inquiry that investigates a phenomenon in its real-life context (Yin, 2009). Therefore, this study argues that to explore this unique context, a qualitative approach is an appropriate method for studying the influence of cultural constraints on women entrepreneurs.

Research sample

Our biggest challenge was to identify an appropriate sample to address our RQ. Given the need to understand women entrepreneurs, our respondents needed to be women entrepreneurs operating businesses in a male-dominated society. Pakistan was chosen as the loci of investigation because of the uniqueness of the region in terms of women entrepreneurship. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province has a Pashtun majority thus women are expected to follow cultural customs and norms see also (Yunis et al., 2018). The province provides a mix in terms of the extent the cultural restrictions are enforced. A total of 22 women entrepreneurs were identified using a snowball sampling (Biernacki and Waldorf, 1981). All the respondents were women operating storefront businesses in different parts of the province. However, due to some personal and other commitments, only 17 women entrepreneurs participated in this research and provided rich insights to the authors. Table 1 presents their demographic characteristics.

Table 1.

Characteristics of women entrepreneurs.

Respondent ID	Age range	Education	Marital status	Sectors	Position	Location
1	35–40	BA	Married	Cosmetics	Owner-Manager	Peshawar
2	20–25	SSC	Married	Cosmetics	Owner-Manager	Peshawar
3	30–35	None	Married	Clothes shop	Owner-Manager	Mardan
4	45–50	HSSC	Widow	Embroidery shop	Owner-Manager	Mardan
5	20–25	HSSC	Single	Embroidery shop	Owner-Manager	Abbottabad
6	30–35	Master	Married	Book store	Owner-Manager	Abbottabad
7	45–50	None	Widow	Hair salon	Owner-Manager	Nowshera
8	35–40	SSC	Married	Bakery shop	Owner-Manager	Ghazi
9	25–30	HSSC	Married	Grocery store	Owner-Manager	Ghazi
10	35–40	BA	Married	Toys shop	Owner-Manager	Ghazi
11	30–35	SSC	Married	Cosmetics shop	Owner-Manager	Peshawar
12	30–35	HSSC	Single	Toys shop	Owner-Manager	Peshawar
13	35–40	SSC	Married	Embroidery shop	Owner-Manager	Mardan
14	30–35	BA	Widow	Beauty polar	Owner-Manager	Swat
15	35–40	HSSC	Married	Grocery shop	Owner-Manager	Ghazi
16	35–40	None	Married	Clothes shop	Owner-Manager	Abbottabad
17	40–45	BA	Divorced	Clothes shop	Owner-Manager	Nowshera

Data collection

The majority of the interviews were conducted with the respondents in the respondents’ business locations with the exception of one interview, undertaken in a mutually agreed safe social environment. All interviews were conducted in Pashto and Urdu language and were recorded with the consent of the participants. The shortest interview was 40 min, and the longest was 50. Six participants refused to give interviews to the main researcher who was a male due to the nature of their businesses because only women are allowed to enter their business location. Therefore, to tackle this issue, one woman research assistant was hired and was trained by the main author to collect data from these six respondents.

Data translation process

As mentioned above, all the interviews were conducted in Pashto and Urdu (local languages). Therefore, considerable attention has been given to translating the data from Pashto and Urdu languages to English, because English was not the mother tongue of the respondents. According to Patton (1990), researchers should take special care when the interview needs an interpreter or translator. Thirteen interviews out of seventeen were conducted in the Pashto language because in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, the Pashto language is a common language, and four interviews were conducted in the Urdu language. The translation process was completed in three stages. First, the transcripts of the interviews including Pashto and Urdu languages were analysed by the two main authors independently, because both authors belong to the region where this research has been conducted. At this stage, all the transcripts were converted from Pashto and Urdu languages to English. Also, some Pashto phrases were used by the respondents, and it was discussed with one Professor of the Pashto language in the local college. Second, the interview transcripts transcribed by the first and the second authors independently, were compared for accuracy. At this stage, both researchers used different English vocabulary; however, the majority of the words had the same meaning. After an agreement between the two researchers about the English words, it was finalised for analysis. Finally, before the data analysis stage, the English version of the transcripts was shown to the third researcher of this paper who is an English native speaker, and he corrected some English phrases.

Data analysis

After the translation process, thematic analysis was chosen as a comprehensive tool for exploring phenomenological data (Gill, 2014) as it has significant advantages for moving between inductive and deductive modes of reasoning (Duriau et al., 2007). The transcribed data were thoroughly and repeatedly read by the researchers for the identification of the initial coding for pull/push factors. The most commonly occurring themes that occurred frequently across the data that were relevant to the research question, were labelled first-order codes. This data were organised into sub-themes as second-order data. Any initial order codes found to be uncommon across the data were not pursued.

The key assumptions

This research is trying to explore the pull and push factors of women entrepreneurs in a deprived region in the context of post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories. Generally, the post-materialism theory is based on non-material considerations such as personal satisfaction, personal achievements, values, etc., where materialistic motivations are no longer the primary motive of entrepreneurs. However, in the context of this research, women in the region still face financial difficulties where they can gain pecuniary benefits from their entrepreneurial activities. Based on this perspective, our first assumption is (a) are the pull factors of the sampled women entrepreneurs of this study related to pecuniary or non-pecuniary benefits?

On the other hand, the push factors have been linked to dissatisfaction theory which is based on dissatisfaction related to lack of flexibility (Jamali, 2009), discrimination and promotion (Itani et al., 2011). Therefore, based on these insights from the literature, our second assumption is (b) are the push factors of the women entrepreneurs in this study due to dissatisfaction from employment or other discriminating and inhibiting cultural constraints?

In conducting the analysis, we were careful to ensure that our interpretations were devoid of ‘emotive’ elements because it is an ‘emotive’ topic for many, including our respondents. Based upon the advice of Sahar (2022) to ensure ‘openness’ we were also careful not to be too categorical, nor push the reader into any particular direction.

Findings

We present the findings under the proposed theories by linking the pull factors to the post-materialism theory and the push factors to the dissatisfaction theory (see Figure 2).

Figure 2.

Data structure.

The pull factors in the context of post-materialism theory

The pull factors were captured in the context of post-materialism theory as per Uhlaner and Thurik (2010). In this regard, the women articulated their intentions expressing that their start-up was not purely financially motivated. Four out of seventeen respondents stated that the reason for starting their businesses was never a financial priority despite not being well-off. Two main themes emerged in the context of pull factors. Personal and societal development and culture and market compliance.

Personal and societal development: Under the personal and societal development, two sub-themes emerged. These are: realisation of their skills waste and a need for societal recognition.

Realisation of the skill waste: One respondent articulated that her start-up motivation was influenced by altruistic reasons to transfer skills to others to help them financially.

I started this business because I realised that staying at home and doing nothing is wasting time and skills. I am not a rich woman, but thank God my husband has a good job, and we are happy with our current circumstances.

Another stated her motivation was to help young girls with multiple difficulties and to help them break the cycle of reliance on husbands.

I opened this shop …. and my business is lucrative. The good thing is I also teach embroidery skills to three other girls for free of cost …. because I have seen so many frustrations in my life and if these young girls go to their husband's houses they must have skills that will give them independence because in our society male consider themselves like a king.

This quote demonstrates an altruistic social enterprise intention to empower deprived young girls to learn skills and to be independent due to the recognition of the unbalanced power dynamics between men and women in their society which results in ‘frustrations’ in daily life. This evidence the entrepreneurial qualities of empathy and social awareness whilst simultaneously challenging patriarchal societal norms both individually (in entrepreneurial activities) and giving agency (skill development) to other young women to do the same.

Societal recognition: One had started her business to demonstrate that a woman can do everything and to show other family members and society that women have the courage and skills to live independently without spousal support.

When I realised that my family members are doing businesses and gaining a good reputation in our surroundings, I felt why I can’t do it. I started this business with the support of my husband and people in our surrounding [area] know me that I am a professional businesswoman.

This challenges patriarchal assumptions that entrepreneurs should be men. She intimated that she wanted to become well-known in society because of her entrepreneurial skills. This suggests that some respondents launched entrepreneurial activities to raise their societal profile, based on their abilities which is an important achievement for them, albeit it nevertheless reproduces the masculine norms of how one should behave to have a successful business.

Culture and market compliance: Under this category of main theme, two sub-themes emerged. These are: aligning business with cultural norms and cooperation among women to scan opportunities.

Aligning business with cultural norms: Some respondents were more inclined towards reproducing cultural and religious norms and stressed the importance for them as women to obey cultural norms when starting a business, particularly in the open market. Three respondents articulated that their start-up was not financially motivated, but to act as a role model for other women minded to ‘do something’ for themselves. One respondent noted:

Before starting this business, I was at home and doing nothing and it was a waste of time. I convinced my husband to start this business. Initially, he said to me what you want…. I said please permit me to start a business. First, he was surprised and said to me you know in our society women are not allowed to do business outside their homes. It was very difficult for me to convince him, but when I said to him, I will do parda (covering), because I know my culture and religion. When I mentioned the covering, he was satisfied and said to me go ahead.

Independence emerged as a key theme but being respectful of cultural norms and religious requirements was important too. One cultural norm that some of the respondents adhered to was wearing a veil. The findings suggest that ‘veiling’ is a strategy for convincing men of their honesty and integrity because in Islamic society being covered is synonymous with these qualities (if a woman shows her beauty in public places to other non-mahrams (people one can marry), then her husband and family will not approve). Considering the importance of veiling, the same respondent illustrated that although veiling is a key cultural and religious factor in the society, it also develops constraints for entrepreneurship. The respondent says:

Some of my women friends are very good in business (dealing), but whenever I ask them why you don’t want to start your own business? They always reply you know very well about our cultural and religious restrictions, because I can’t interact with a male without veiling, and I don’t want to wear it.

Although the pull factors of some women in the region are based on the deprived girls, but some religious restrictions develop barriers for them to start their own ventures and ultimately deter their entrepreneurial motivation. Extending the pull factors in the context of post-materialism theory, one respondent argued that starting their business demonstrated that women could combine household chores and business whilst obeying religious and cultural norms.

After my marriage when I came to my husband's house, our family system was different, and I was told that you must stay at home…. I said what? From that day I decided I won’t stay at home, the good thing is I do have my own property, because my father was a rich man, and he gave me my part of the property. I sold one part of my property and started this business. I don’t need money but to show them that I can do business under the cultural and religious boundaries using covering as a solid example.

Veiling enabled them to feel satisfaction in addressing and surmounting cultural barriers. The respondents used their agency to interpret their religion and culture in a different manner to their male family members to seek financial and personal empowerment, thus challenging the exclusionary impact of a patriarchal interpretation of Islam that in this instance required them to ‘stay at home’. Another respondent expressed the concept of veiling as a religious requirement and compulsion which they must do it, where the refusal of veiling creates life-threatening environment for her. The respondent commented-

As I told you my intention to start this business is to transfer my skills to other girls and also to make myself busy because staying at home and doing nothing is a waste of time. However, I need to fulfil religious and cultural requirements, and that’s why I wear a veil doing business in the open market. If I refuse to use a veil, some religious people in our region are very conservative and there is a chance that they will destroy my shop which I can’t afford it. However, I am a role model for other women and say to them don’t stay at home, come out and do something for yourself and your family.

The quotes illustrated that the pull factors of these women are to help the region where they have no desire to receive financial benefits. However, the respondent has been pressurised into veiling because not to do so can have serious consequences.

Cooperation among women to scan opportunities: Women in the region have developed a rich network with other women and those women have up-to-date information about entrepreneurial opportunities and share information with those women who have the intention to start a business. Such networks have widened entrepreneurial spaces for the deprived women in the region. For example, one illustrates an entrepreneurial opportunity with the cooperation of her friend.

Basically, this is the opportunity that was spotted by someone else. I mean one of my friends she is very rich and very kind to me. Also, the shop that you see, it is her husband's property. She said to me there is a good business opportunity particularly to start a cosmetic business and I am sure you can do it. Initially, I was scared because I was thinking about how I could do it, but when I discussed it with my family members, they said to me you are already doing this in your house and you have the experience, so it is better to do it in the open shop. However, the factor which helped me a lot is covering which is a shield for me and protects me from threats.

This evidences that their social business network acts as a catalyst for them to spot business opportunities in the market highlighting that they are under family pressure and other responsibilities which affects their profit margin. One respondent noted:

My one friend is a very up-to-date woman, whenever she spots any opportunity she discusses it with me and I make those products and share the profit with her because I am very busy with other family issues and can’t do all things together.

Additionally, one participant acknowledged that they share a profit with other friends which is a ‘win–win’ situation, thus upholding Islamic values of providing for and developing their community.

Push factors in the context of dissatisfaction theory

Two aggregate dimensions emerged for the push factors for women: self-value demonstration and societal degradation which were linked to the dissatisfaction theory.

Self-value demonstration: Some respondents stressed independence as a key factor in their entrepreneurship. In this context, two second-order themes were identified, namely self-esteem and underestimation in society.

Self-esteem: Six respondents highlighted the importance of cultural constraints, and their key aim in starting the businesses is related to their self-esteem and family issues. Most respondents emphasised a wish to avoid a parasitical marital relationship, because it was embarrassing to demand money. One respondent stressed:

…taking money from a husband is good because women are doing and this is the responsibility of the man to look after their wives, but I don’t feel comfortable taking money from him, because I do have several requirements and it is not good to take money from him every day. Now, I am independent and can do or buy anything if I want due to my business.

This is one of the potential antecedents behind their self-esteem and motivation to start their venture. It is evident that avoiding parasitical relationship was a core antecedent driving her and that self-esteem is a key push factor motivating venture start-ups. The women were also challenging dominant and traditional patriarchal interpretations of religion and cultural constraints with their own more liberal and more feminist interpretation noting the more positive embodied experience of self-sufficiency.

Underestimation in society: This second order theme is related to crucial factors which motivated women to launch their businesses. These issues are related to their family system. One respondent felt particularly underestimated by her mother-in-law:

I have seen so many difficulties at my home, my mother-in-law used to say to me that you are good for nothing, no education, no family background. It was a difficult situation for me. Now I am financially stable due to my business, and now she respects me a lot.

Respondents also reflected on the harsh realities of life that financial dependence on others is a curse and the taboos attached to being a poor family member are hard to endure. Conversely, being financially independent brings status, respect, influence and bargaining power domestically. Another respondent commented on the disrespect factor in a society where money is the most important societal metric of success:

If you have enough money people will respect you and if you haven’t got money, people won’t consider you even if you are clever.

This illustrates some harsh cultural elements that Pashtun women believe underestimate their value. Thus, factors related to underestimation, particularly family-related ones are key antecedents that motivate them to become entrepreneurs.

Societal degradation: Some respondents acknowledged that society does not understand the compulsions and constraints they face which pushed them into entrepreneurship, nor how to avoid and tackle these barriers. These were linked to the second-order themes of frustration with family and finances, and deprivation in society.

Frustration with family and finances: Frustration with family and finances is the most frequent push factor identified by the respondents. Respondents articulated very emotional quotes which are very common in the society because most women face several interpersonal difficulties. However, they try to do something for their children to avoid the frustrations they have to face.

When I used to look at the kids of other people and when they wear nice clothes in Eid and other festivals, I can’t explain that situation. Whenever I said to my husband please buy new clothes for the kids, his answer was I haven’t got the money and when I get the salary, I will buy it for them. I never demanded money for myself, because some of my friends were very rich and I used to wear used clothes because they understood my situation. But when your kids wear nice stuff, you feel better, and thanks Allah (God) I am in the position to do these for my kids and even for my parents.

This demonstrates that women face familial frustrations which act as a push factor. For instance, they desire to provide new clothes to their children to make them happy. Furthermore, respondents have experienced multiple difficulties in their families and do not want to repeat those frustrations in the future.

Deprivation in society: During the interview process, the researcher observed that some women faced multiple issues related to deprivation in society which under-estimates or excludes them. This spurred them to do something about it. One respondent spoke of trying to overcome something that is lacking by birth, that is, born without beauty which cannot be fixed. However, to overcome this she acted entrepreneurially and started a business to compensate for this:

Our society trends are different, I mean if you are beautiful or if you have got the money then people will respect you, but if beauty or money is everything for your husband what you need to do, I mean you need to find out the solution, and I can’t get that beauty which my husband wants, but business is the only option which I can get the money and I am very happy that I am successful in this factor.

Here, the woman's lack of ‘ability’ to embody traditional ‘feminine’ norms of beauty leads her to instead enact and reproduce more masculine norms to gain societal acceptance (e.g. financial success and empowerment) to compensate for her perceived ‘deviance’.

It is evident from many of the quotes above that most of the constraining elements articulated by the respondents, by their very nature, were of a negative nature. Furthermore, as this study from a reading of the above quotes and findings, it is evident that both ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors are at play, which is worthy of further discussion.

Discussion

This study explored the influence of cultural constraints in the context of entrepreneurship in a patriarchal society. There are numerous cultural constraints ranging from human made to naturally occurring such as biological features (although informed by gender-based norms). Human-made cultural constraints are enacted and enforced by society which can be fixed easily whilst naturally lacking features can be very hard to overcome and something unique must be done to surmount these constraints. This study looks at some cultural constraints for women entrepreneurs operating their businesses in open marketplaces. Cultural constraints affect women entrepreneurs more than men in a patriarchal society but are also manifested in the behaviours of men.

The behaviours and actions of women are normally associated with family honour and respect in the society particularly in a poor underdeveloped world context. From a reading of the literature and an analysis of the empirical data, culture appears to place various constraints upon women who are expected to abide by those rules and cultural traditions. The consequences of this control are clearly visible in the shape of low literacy ratios, lack or absence or low education among the female population, economic underdevelopment and even perceived social evils. If viewed from a ‘Western’ perspective this may suggest that the constraint is viewed as being negative, but we appreciate that not all respondents view culture or religion as a constraining factor. In fact, Islam encourages its believers to actively participate in social and economic activities for both men and women abiding by the rules. The problem arises when both men and women use social norms and mores for personal reasons or as control mechanisms. Some women may find this influences their personal agency whilst others may be accepting of it or even embrace it. Therefore, to explore this cultural constraint, women entrepreneurs were studied who run businesses in a male-dominated society where cultural restrictions must be obeyed by these women whatever and whenever they start their businesses. The key issue which arises here is that the women are aware of these difficulties to overcome impediments but are nevertheless still motivated to act entrepreneurially and face a society where severe cultural norms and religious restrictions are imposed on them on top of already culturally constraining circumstances (Althalathini et al., 2021; Tlaiss, 2015; Tlaiss and McAdam, 2021). Despite facing what some may view as a harsh environment, which judges women harshly on their societal worth and entrepreneurial acumen, they are motivated to become entrepreneurs. This study allowed us via the respondents to ‘give voice’ to their dilemma (Johnson et al., 2006). We now turn to answer the RQ – What role does culture play to motivate women entrepreneurs in tightly constrained entrepreneurial spaces using the lens of post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories?

The RQ sought to address the role of cultural constraints on entrepreneurial motivation using the pull and push factors, in the context of post-materialism and dissatisfaction theories through a gendered lens. We found different perceptions and experiences of women entrepreneurs depending on whether we, or the respondents adopted an ‘Eastern’ or ‘Western’ viewpoint. Although prior research has explored the motivation of women entrepreneurs in different geographical settings (Al Matroushi et al., 2020), in this study by linking the pull factors of these women to the post-materialism theory, we make an incremental contribution to theoretical knowledge. Previous research regarding the pull factors elaborated that people are motivated for entrepreneurship for personal development (Uhlaner and Thurik, 2010). However, past research did not consider financial benefits due to the perception that entrepreneurs possess a privileged financial position. However, in the context of this research, our findings challenge prior research. In this study, the pull factors of some women mostly relate to the utilisation of their skills for themselves and play an important role in helping deprived girls in the region. Thus, the key intention is to transfer their skills to young girls despite their precarious financial position, because the cultural constraints do not allow these deprived young girls to be independent by starting the journey after marriage. Conversely, the pull factors of some women entrepreneurs relate to their desire to become ‘role models’ for other women copying their entrepreneurial activities whilst obeying cultural and religious norms. This is despite their often-precarious financial positions. These findings add to the extant literature on post-materialism by highlighting that it is not necessary that financial stability is related to the pull factors, particularly in the context of women who obey cultural and religious norms. In addition to this, like previous research, the findings show that there were some contradictions, such as women both challenging and reproducing patriarchal cultural norms. For instance, some women did not agree personally with embedded social norms but ultimately reproduced these to facilitate business success (Lewis et al., 2022). However, the women were able to use their agency to influence their family or husband to start their businesses which suggests that there is some plasticity to social norms, albeit with caveats.

The push factors of women entrepreneurs were examined in the context of dissatisfaction theory, where dissatisfaction arises from different factors including unemployment, job dissatisfaction, urbanisation, etc. (Jamali, 2009). Past research in this context shows different results. However, in this research the push factors of both typologies are different. Regardless of typology, women in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa operate in a social setting where societal norms are expected to be followed and those who dare to deviate, must be prepared to accept the stigma and social consequences of their agency. Thus, related to the push factors of women entrepreneurs, it is evidenced that such women feel frustration in having to take money from male relatives and their husbands which they consider to be parasitical and instead sought more financial independence; thus, entrepreneurship was a way to empower these women. Furthermore, they realised the financial vulnerabilities of other women in the region. Besides these reasons, there is another important societal factor. This unique element is related to the weak relationship between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law which is very common in Eastern society (Roomi et al., 2018; Yunis et al., 2018). Therefore, to address this, many women opt to become entrepreneurs to enhance their influence on their mother-in-law and build stronger relationships through entrepreneurship. It is a core antecedent of motivation.

Ironically entrepreneurship appears to act as a protective shield in the women's pursuit of more agency and empowerment. Conversely, some women entrepreneurs experience inequality in the society and also high levels of frustration. These factors act as antecedents for them to become entrepreneurs. Additionally, their natural physical characteristics are also antecedents that motivate them to become entrepreneurs. For example, some respondents consider that because they are not seen as being ‘beautiful’ by traditional male views relating to feminine norms, engaging in entrepreneurship negates this because being a successful entrepreneur is a form of social capital. This suggests the women are acting agentically to instead enact masculine-based norms of success to overcome the judgement and social consequences of their ‘inability’ to fulfil socially constructed feminine norms (Lewis et al., 2022). In the deeply patriarchal Pashtun society feminine beauty is also prized and is considered to be beneficial to a prosperous family life.⁴ These findings are inconsistent with the previous research in the context of dissatisfaction theory and make a significant contribution to existing literature on cultural constraints for women entrepreneurs.

However, we stress that our findings being qualitative are open to interpretation. We are acutely aware that some of the respondent's quotes may reflect more on the intersection between gender and the participants’ socio-economic status rather than religion, but then complex entrepreneurial behaviours are notoriously difficult to analyse out of context. In line with the work of Sahar (2022), we illustrate a number of effective stratagems that these women utilise to resist patriarchal pressures at home, but we acknowledge that the findings must be read in the context of Pakistani/Muslim culture and not as stereotypical victims and objects to be saved or judged by the standards of Western media. We believe we have captured the participants’ experiences, believes and practices and in the process highlighting the complexity of the interplay of culture, religion, gender and entrepreneurship.

Conclusion

We conclude that women entrepreneurs face many cultural constraints when they decide to challenge societal norms and create a space for themselves in a patriarchal society where women are seen as keeping the honour of their husbands and families. Some women are pulled into entrepreneurship because they have all what it takes to challenge the status quo. However, there are many others who lack many of the attributes and are pushed into entrepreneurship to overcome all the constraints which engulf them. The traditional literature on push and pull factors are mainly articulated for male entrepreneurs and where women push and pull factors are addressed, it is mainly in the ‘Western’ context where women have greater freedom and fewer cultural impediments compared with the poor developing countries context. Additionally, in many developing Muslim countries, women face further layers of cultural constraints, and they are under enormous pressure to cover themselves up when stepping out from their caged homes. This study, therefore, attempts to address this void. It is interesting to note that our findings suggest that, despite the difficulties and breaking out of so many cultural barriers, all sampled women have achieved a lot to create, manage and grow their fledgling businesses from a meagre start to something profitable and sustainable. Thus, success is then acknowledged and realised not only by the family members who were once opposing the idea of them thinking about the business but also welcomed by the local society. This may be a first step towards the long haul and thereby giving hope and light to the many who can follow their example. We argue that entrepreneurship and in particular the fusion of secular and Islamic feminist practices and entrepreneurship practices identified by Özkazanç-Pan (2015) have considerable and potential utility in helping achieve gender equality including changes in gender norms, economic development policies and women's empowerment in Muslim-communities and engenders women-empowerment.

Practical implications

The results of this study are imperative for policymakers, particularly in developing countries. Policymakers should develop comprehensive and supportive strategies to develop women's entrepreneurship, particularly women who run businesses under extreme marginalisation. Governments (both local and central) must develop clear strategies by educating its population about the role of women in an Islamic society and highlighting the role of women in business in their specific contexts. Successful Muslim women entrepreneurs must be used as role models in schools’ curricula and on every platform through media. Additionally, non-government organisations (NGOs) need to take a step to organise special seminars and training programmes for those young girls who are keen to start businesses but cannot find a proper path to launch their entrepreneurial journey. Although, some women in the sample of this study participate actively to help young girls where the pull and push factors of women of this sample are not only for their survival but to promote emancipation in the deprived regions through entrepreneurship. Therefore, national and international organisations must help them to achieve this goal.

Limitations of the study and directions for future research

This study is bounded by a theoretical sampling approach to explore the influence cultural constraints can have on women entrepreneurs in a highly constrained environment where various cultural restrictions are imposed on them, so there are some limitations which require further study. The study examined the perceptions of 17 women entrepreneurs which is a relatively small sample size. A larger sample would give better generalisations about the influence of cultural constraints on entrepreneurship in the context of Muslim women entrepreneurs; as would expanding the study to other countries. Nevertheless, the sample size is considered acceptable for exploratory studies (Jamali, 2009; Zamberi Ahmad, 2011). However, moving forward, given the limited research on cultural constraints and their influence on entrepreneurship, further exploratory work into this context is needed. This will improve our understanding of the influence of cultural constraints, both positive and negative on women's entrepreneurship development. Therefore, future studies are needed in other parts of Pakistan as well as in other countries like Iran, Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan which are similar contexts to the one studied in this research. This study adds incrementally to both context and culture, demonstrating the interplay between culture and religion in the context of women entrepreneurs in Pakistan whilst highlighting the complexity of the interplay between culture and Islam.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Noor Muhammad

Rob Smith

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The influence of cultural constraints on entrepreneurial motivations: Exploring the experiences of Muslim women entrepreneurs in Pakistan

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

Literature review on perceived cultural constraints

Motivation for entrepreneurship (push and pull factors)

Culture in relation to gendered modesty: Pakistan context

Methodology

Research sample

Data collection

Data translation process

Data analysis

The key assumptions

Findings

The pull factors in the context of post-materialism theory

Push factors in the context of dissatisfaction theory

Discussion

Conclusion

Practical implications

Limitations of the study and directions for future research

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

Funding

ORCID iDs

References