Abstract
Keywords
Introduction
In today’s globalized world, talents are considered invaluable strategic resources essential for achieving sustainable competitive advantage (Vaiman et al., 2021). Understanding their work motivations, retention factors, and reasons for leaving is crucial for companies worldwide to effectively retain them.
Therefore, the
What do talents want? What motivates them at work? Despite the widespread recognition of talent management (TM) as a critical challenge for organizations globally (Collings et al., 2019), there remains a limited understanding of how contextual factors shape individual expectations (Gallardo-Gallardo et al., 2020). Most studies focus on developed countries, resulting in a substantial knowledge gap regarding talent motivations in emerging economies (Meyer and Xin, 2018). As Orlando et al. (2022) argue, it is overly simplistic to assume that individuals from diverse geographical and cultural backgrounds share the same aspirations, inclinations, and behaviors.
In response to the call for more empirical research on talent management in emerging economies (Gallardo-Gallardo et al., 2020) and to better understand how firms can effectively retain talent in such contexts, our study examines young Vietnamese talent occupying strategic roles within Western companies operating in Vietnam. This emerging generation has experienced significant changes due to government reforms. Since the
What drives Vietnamese talent of the new generation? Can we fully understand their motivations through the dichotomous axis proposed by the most influential cultural research? This paper explores these critical questions by examining the impact of traditional and contemporary cultural influences on local talent motivations. This inquiry is particularly pertinent as Vietnam, an emerging economy undergoing significant transformation, increasingly attracts foreign companies seeking a pool of young, skilled, and cost-effective workers. The country’s youthful demographic—70% of its 100 million population is under 35—further enhances its appeal to international investors (Khalidi, 2023).
Our empirical research advances theoretical understanding in several key areas. Firstly, we contest the simplistic assumption that individuals from collectivist cultures will consistently exhibit collectivist behaviors. In contrast to Hofstede’s cultural dimensions and other key cultural studies, our findings indicate that talents in emerging economies exhibit a nuanced combination of individualist and collectivist motivations. Secondly, we challenge Maslow (1943) hierarchical model of needs, showing that Vietnamese talents’ motivations align more with Herzberg (1987) model, where both intrinsic and extrinsic factors are pursued simultaneously. Furthermore, by incorporating principles from both content and process theories, we offer a more nuanced understanding of motivational mechanisms. Finally, our study uncovers significant intra-cultural variations, revealing that local talent in Western companies in Vietnam represents a unique subgroup with a stronger inclination toward individualistic motivations, despite their cultural background.
After defining the concept of talent, the paper first reviews key motivational theories and cross-cultural frameworks to establish its theoretical foundation. It then outlines the research methodology, presents the empirical findings, and concludes with a discussion of the study’s limitations and directions for future research.
Understanding the motivations of Vietnam's new generation of talent
Concept of talent
In emerging market contexts characterized by rapid economic transformation, institutional complexity, and intense competition for skilled labour, organizational success depends fundamentally on the ability to mobilize and retain talent. To ground the analysis that follows, it is therefore necessary to clarify how talent is conceptualized. The very notion of talent remains the subject of ongoing debate in the academic literature (Gallardo-Gallardo et al., 2013). A central point of contention concerns workforce differentiation, whereby definitions of talent may be divided into an inclusive approach (i.e. viewing all employees as potential talents) or an exclusive approach (i.e. focusing on a selected group of individuals possessing valuable and distinctive skills such as ability, competence, performance and behaviours) (Stahl et al., 2012). Although both approaches coexist in practice, the exclusive conceptualization remains dominant in the literature and is therefore selected for the purposes of the present study.
Accordingly, we adopt the most widely cited definition of talent proposed by Collings and Mellahi (2009: 304), who conceptualize talent as “high-potential and high-performing incumbents”, occupying pivotal positions that contribute directly to organizational capabilities and sustained competitive advantage (Gallardo-Gallardo and Thunnissen, 2016; Ishiyama, 2022). Pivotal positions are understood as roles with a high impact on organizational outcomes due to heightened responsibility, decision-making authority, knowledge intensity, and low substitutability (Collings and Mellahi, 2009; Lepak and Snell, 1999). In the present study, such positions include, for example, functional managers, engineers, programmers, and key specialists operating within Western companies operating in Vietnam.
Theories of motivation
Building on this conceptualization of talent, we now turn to the theoretical foundations that explain what motivates individuals at work. Numerous influential theories, primarily content-based, have been developed to explain workplace motivation. Despite ongoing criticism, these content theories from the 1950s and the 1960s, remain prominent in both research and practice. To understand the motivations of Vietnamese talent, we examined these content theories and complemented our analysis with process-based theories. While content theories focus on identifying the factors that drive motivation, process theories delve into the cognitive mechanisms that sustain and enhance it.
Content theories of motivation
Content theories are central to motivational research, focusing on what drives individuals’ needs and satisfaction. They identify key factors shaping motivation in work and other life domains. Prominent among these are Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and Herzberg’s two-factor theory. Maslow proposed a five-level hierarchy where higher needs become salient only after lower needs are met. Herzberg introduced a dual-factor model that distinguishes between hygiene factors, which prevent dissatisfaction, and motivational factors, which enhance satisfaction and motivation. Widely cited and still influential today (e.g. Souders and Yu, 2025), Herzberg’s theory offers an analytical lens for examining how distinct motivational forces operate independently and simultaneously within the work context.
Process theories of motivation
Summary of the main content and process-based theories of motivation.
Hofstede and major cross-cultural frameworks
Research on TM in emerging countries remains scarce (Pereira et al., 2022), with few studies explicitly examining the motivations and expectations of talent within these contexts (Orlando et al., 2022). The motivations of talent in emerging economies are likely to diverge from those in developed nations due to the intricate interplay of cultural, political, economic, and religious factors that influence employees’ attitudes, behaviors, and expectations (Khoreva et al., 2017).
To better understand cultural contexts and their differences across societies, cross-cultural research has long relied on Hofstede’s seminal framework (1980, 1997, 2001), which defines culture as “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one human group from another” (1980: 21). Although several alternative models have since emerged—including Schwartz’s value theory (2006), Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner (1993), the GLOBE project (House et al., 2004), and the World Values Survey (Inglehart and Welzel, 2005)—none has achieved the same level of diffusion or cumulative influence in international business research. Despite sustained criticism (Ailon, 2008; Beugelsdijk et al., 2015; McSweeney, 2002), Hofstede’s framework remains the most widely used, as evidenced by its continued prevalence (Gill et al., 2019; Kirkman et al., 2006).
All major cross-cultural frameworks, however, exhibit important limitations. Hofstede’s model has been criticized for its reliance on data originally collected within a single multinational firm (IBM), its assumption of national cultural homogeneity, and the risk of ecological fallacy when national scores are applied to individuals or organizations (Ailon, 2008; Beugelsdijk et al., 2017; Beugelsdijk and Welzel, 2018; Fang, 2003; McSweeney, 2002, 2013). Although broader in scope, the GLOBE project, has been criticized for conceptual overlap among its nine dimensions, interpretive ambiguity in its distinction between “as is” practices and “should be” values, and its reliance on managerial samples that may constraint generalizability (Brewer and Venaik, 2011; Yeganeh, 2025). Schwartz’s value theory has likewise been questioned for its abstract measurement and uneven empirical support across cultural contexts (Kaasa and Welzel, 2023), while Inglehart’s model has been faulted for oversimplifying cultural variation and for overemphasizing generational replacement as the primary mechanism of cultural change (Beugelsdijk and Welzel, 2018). Finally, Trompenaars and Hampden-Turner’s framework has been critiqued for conceptual overlap with other cultural models and for limited empirical validation (Hofstede, 1996; Tocar, 2019).
Across the literature, many critiques point to a shared limitation of value-dimension frameworks: the tendency to reduce culture to stable, bipolar dimensions anchored at the national level, thereby limiting their ability to capture hybridity, paradox, and context-specific meaning systems. While these models offer useful heuristics for cross-national comparison, they remain limited in their ability to fully capture the multi-layered and evolving nature of contemporary cultures.
These limitations are particularly salient in transitional contexts such as Vietnam. Much cross-cultural research continues to frame individuals’ orientations through linear dichotomies—collectivist versus individualist, hierarchical versus participative, achievement-oriented versus other-oriented (e.g., Etoom, 2022). Such binary classifications, however, oversimplify the complex and evolving nature of individual motivations in rapidly transforming societies. Rather than adhering to a reductive “either/or” logic, we should consider individuals as embodying both “x and y”, presenting a much more nuanced portrait of their aspirations and the diverse influences that drive their behaviors and thought patterns. By recognizing that individuals can simultaneously exhibit characteristics traditionally viewed as contradictory, we can better capture the complexity and fluidity of human motivation and behavior. This perspective offers deeper insight into the factors shaping individuals’ aspirations, particularly in culturally rich and rapidly evolving contexts such as Vietnam.
These complexities highlight the need to revisit classical cross-cultural frameworks, which remain valuable points of departure despite sustained critique. Hofstede’s framework, in particular, continues to offer analytical and practical utility. As Jackson (2020: 3) notes, its enduring appeal lies in its conceptual clarity and simplicity—“he did this mainly by keeping it simple, very simple.” Although scholars have acknowledged ambiguities in its application, the framework remains comparatively interpretable and operational relative to more complex alternatives such as the GLOBE model, as well as more readily connected to applied interpretation than the highly abstract value structures of Schwartz or the macro-sociological orientation of Inglehart. Its core dimensions continue to capture fundamental societal tensions, which—together with its extensive diffusion and readily accessible country scores—explain why Hofstede’s framework remains a pragmatic point of departure for cross-cultural analysis.
Vietnam: A singular cultural context in deep transition
Vietnam’s cultural complexity highlights an often-overlooked aspect of cultural research. Traditionally influenced by Confucian values emphasizing harmony, social hierarchy, humility, non-competitiveness, and frugality (Rowley and Quang, 2009), Vietnam has significantly evolved since adopting a more capitalist model in the late 1980s. Transitioning from a poor nation to a dynamic middle-income country, it has attracted substantial foreign investment (The World Bank, 2024). This economic transition has given rise to a new generation that increasingly adopts Western values (McKinsey and Company, 2021).
The rise of a new generation that integrates both traditional and Western values suggests the emergence of a distinct subculture. This cohort not only embraces contemporary technology and contributes to national development but also retains significant traditional values, reflecting a blend of global and local influences. Despite extensive research on the impact of culture on business management, intra-national cultural differences remain relatively underexplored (Dheer et al., 2015). This study seeks to address this critical gap in the literature.
Theorical foundation
To gain a deeper understanding of the motivations driving Vietnamese talent within Vietnam’s transitional work context, this study draws on insights from both content and process motivational theories, as outlined in the framework below (see Figure 1). Culture is positioned as a foundational construct in this analysis, serving both as the basis of individual identity and as a critical framework for examining workplace motivations. By situating motivation within the broader cultural context, this approach facilitates an exploration of how deeply embedded cultural norms influence individual behavior, shape interactions within organizational environments, and mediate responses to talent management practices. This framework will be examined and discussed in relation to the findings obtained from the thematic analysis of the interview data. Integrative framework of Vietnamese talent’ motivation.
Methodology
Choice of method
To gain an in-depth understanding of the aspirations and motivations of Vietnamese talents working in Western companies in Vietnam, we adopted an exploratory qualitative approach (Bryman, 2016). Qualitative research offers a deep understanding of under-researched phenomena, allowing for the discovery of novel aspects within the studied topic (Creswell and Poth, 2017). This approach is especially well-suited to our study.
Respondent selection
For our research, we conducted 42 semi-structured interviews with Vietnamese talents in Vietnam between November 2022 and November 2023. Participants were identified through the researchers’ business and personal contacts, as well as referrals from other participants. The first author conducted the in-person interviews until saturation was achieved (Saunders et al., 2018). We focused on local Vietnamese talents employed by Western companies, excluding expatriates and Vietnamese individuals working for non-Western firms, local or state-owned enterprises, or outside Vietnam.
For our study, we aimed for a diverse sample of respondents in terms of gender, occupation, and hierarchical position, focusing on the new generation of Vietnamese talents aged 22 to 39, who grew up during the country’s economic reforms. Participants were selected from Vietnam’s two main economic centers: Hanoi, the political and cultural capital, and Ho Chi Minh City, the economic capital.
For talent selection, we utilized an exclusive approach, focusing on a specifically chosen group of employees rather than including all employees, in line with prevalent conceptualizations in the literature. We followed Collings and Mellahi’s (2009) definition of talent, selecting participants with strong abilities and significant potential who hold key positions within Western companies in Vietnam.
Data collection procedures and analysis
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with Vietnamese talents, guided by a pre-developed interview guide covering key themes while allowing flexibility for follow-ups and emerging topics. We used “probes” to encourage detailed responses and deeper insights (Patton, 2002). Open-ended questions explored talents’ aspirations, motivations, and factors influencing their retention within the organization.
Respondents’ profiles.
Source: Authors’ own work.
The recordings were transcribed and anonymized for confidentiality, then analyzed using NVivo 12 Pro. We applied Creswell and Poth’s (2017) five-step process: data preparation, memoing, coding and thematizing, interpretation, and data visualization. This iterative method ensured systematic analysis. We also adhered to quality criteria, including credibility, transferability, reliability, and internal consistency (Marshall and Rossman, 2011).
Results and discussion
Based on our analysis, we selected Herzberg’s two-factor theory to present our findings, as it effectively distinguishes between intrinsic and extrinsic work motivators for Vietnamese talent. Herzberg demonstrates that satisfaction and dissatisfaction are distinct constructs rather than opposite ends of a single continuum, and that individuals can experienced them simultaneously. This distinction between hygiene factors and motivators provides a robust structure for organizing and interpreting our results. Moreover, the two-factor theory has received validation across diverse settings, including different industries and cultural contexts (Bassett-Jones and Lloyd, 2005; Furnham et al., 2009). However, recognizing that a single theory cannot fully capture the complexities of motivation in Vietnam’s diverse cultural context, we supplemented Herzberg’s theory with additional content and process theories and integrated Hofstede’s cultural dimensions. This approach deepens our understanding of how cultural factors interact with individual motivations. By adopting this holistic perspective, we aim to uncover the intricate dynamics between cultural influences, motivational drivers, and workplace behaviors within Vietnam’s transitional economy.
Below, we present our empirical findings, divided into two main sub-sections: motivations and hygiene factors.
Motivations of Vietnam’s new generation of talent
From our analysis, intrinsic motivations have emerged as the most significant motivational factors for Vietnamese talents, influencing their decision to stay within Western companies in Vietnam. While salary is certainly important, it is not deemed the most crucial. Other more potent factors contribute to their retention, empowerment, and job satisfaction.
Willingness to learn
A recurring theme emerged during interviews with talents: the willingness to learn. All respondents highlighted the willingness to learn as the primary motivator at work. Going beyond salary and financial incentives, this motivation serves as a powerful driver for career development and advancement. The Vietnamese talent interviewed, both women and men, view learning as a lifelong process - a motivation that goes beyond academic pursuits and continues throughout their professional careers. They are aware that this willingness to learn will enhance their employability and open doors to new opportunities. “What’s the most important in my work? To learn, learn learn, it’s all that matter.” Talent, female, 30-34. “The younger generation wants to learn and try new things. We don’t want to work for the same company all our lives. That’s why we want to gain knowledge and develop ourselves through diverse experiences.” Talent, female, 20-24.
This recurring theme highlights that Vietnamese talents exhibit a long-term orientation rather than a moderate one, as suggested by Hofstede long-short term dimension. They recognize the importance of preparing for the future and investing in continuous learning and development. The pronounced inclination towards learning observed within talent denotes a strong motivational impetus congruent with the tenets of expectancy theory, which posits that people are motivated by the belief that their efforts will yield desirable outcomes. They expect that acquiring knowledge and skills will improve job performance, which in turn, enhances job satisfaction. This anticipated link between effort, performance, and satisfaction fuels a strong motivation to engage in learning within organizational settings.
The heightened motivation for learning among individuals in transitional countries like Vietnam presents an intriguing departure from Maslow’s hierarchical framework of needs. According to Maslow, individuals prioritize fulfilling basic physiological and safety needs before addressing higher-order needs. However, the fervent pursuit of self-actualization, particularly through continuous learning and skill development, challenges this conventional progression. In essence, talent in Vietnam appears to prioritize self-actualization endeavors, despite the potential presence of unmet lower-order needs. Here, we align more closely with Alderfer’s ERB theory, which posits that individuals can simultaneously fulfill multiple needs.
Motivation and learning are closely intertwined, with each reinforcing the other (Zacher and Froidevaux, 2021). Motivation drives learning, while learning experiences sustain and enhance motivation. This interplay aligns with attribution theory, which holds that learning experiences affect perceptions of outcome controllability and stability. Those who attribute their successes to internal, controllable factors are more likely to feel a sense of personal agency and efficacy, boosting motivation and engagement in learning activities.
Western companies in Vietnam offer fertile ground for Vietnamese talent to thrive and develop beyond academia. Multinational corporations play a crucial role in linking developed economies with emerging markets, transmitting capital, ideas, and knowledge (Meyer, 2004). These companies are not only vital to the country’s economic development but also pivotal in nurturing talent. They provide environments rich in advanced technologies, methodologies, and a corporate culture that prioritizes continuous learning and employee growth, perceive as providing unlimited possibilities. “Vietnam is a developing economy, and we have so many opportunities. Nowhere are skills more in demand than here. The MNE offers me the opportunity to learn, to develop. After you’ve worked in this kind of environment, you can work everywhere.” Talent, male, 20-24. “Working for a multinational represents a golden opportunity for me. It’s my dream job. They offer me the opportunity to learn, to develop.” Talent, female, 20-24.
This strong motivation to learn and develop can even pose a retention challenge. If Vietnamese talent stops learning and feels stagnant, they may seek new opportunities. Their motivation often exceeds concerns about job security, as they are confident that other opportunities will arise in the future. “I don’t know where I will be in five years, but I know I want to develop my skills. If I can’t do it here, I will find another job.” Talent, female, 25-29. “I have changed job 3 times in 3 years. The most important to me: to learn, to evolve and to gain experience.” Talent, male, 25-29.
This model contrasts sharply with Hofstede’s collectivism-individualism dimension. In Vietnam, the talents we interviewed appear to lean more towards individualism, prioritizing personal development, career advancement, and job satisfaction over loyalty and group priorities. Meanwhile, in their pursuit of opportunities, they demonstrate a propensity to embrace uncertainty and engage in risk-taking, reflecting a low level of uncertainty avoidance and a readiness to make decisions despite incomplete information on potential outcomes.
Willingness to learn by themselves
Another crucial theme that emerged from the interviews is their willingness to learn by themselves, to use their own means for personal development. As workplaces do not always provide the best conditions for their progress, they seek alternatives to continue their learning and development: “My employer doesn’t provide training or opportunities for skill development, so I teach myself by watching videos on YouTube. In my field, I constantly need to be up to date. It's the best way to learn.” Talent, male, 30-34. “We, Vietnamese, haven't had the chance in university programs to learn about soft skills, critical thinking, management. To become a good manager and negotiate with overseas customers, I have no choice but to train myself by taking courses on weekends. It's extremely valuable for my career.” Talent, male, 35-39.
Vietnamese talents acknowledge a substantial gap in their soft skills and the necessity of investing in their own training (Dubey et al., 2021). Despite central government policies and the pressing demands of foreign enterprises, Vietnamese universities fail to adequately provide soft skills training that aligns with labor market requirements (Nghia, 2020). Aware of the evolving job market, Vietnamese talents see the importance of ongoing adaptation and training to remain competitive.
This motivation to learn is tied to a strong desire to increase job market value among some interviewed talents. Aligned with Locke’s Goal-Setting Theory, Vietnamese talents set specific career goals and actively pursue them. Their proactive approach reflects a commitment to career objectives and a personal drive to demonstrate their value through continuous learning and hard work. “At egal value and skills: we have to do more than foreigners here in Vietnam to prove our value. Vietnam is still under development. It’s not like America or Canada.” Talent, male, 20-24.
The strong individual drive to surpass oneself and demonstrate one’s value is also deeply rooted in traditional Vietnamese values of hard work, studiousness, and self-reliance (Nguyen, 2021). Although these motivations reflect a shift towards individualism, they continue to uphold traditional values.
Willingness to contribute and meaningful work
The Vietnamese talents interviewed are all driven by a strong desire to contribute to both their employer’s growth and the development of their society. Although the bonuses might be appealing, their drive to excel largely stems from their sense of involvement in their work and the strategic importance of their role as key contributors within the organization. “At the beginning of my career, I wanted to build my experience in a foreign company. Today, I want to contribute to the evolution of my company, its growth.” Talent, male, 30-34. “Salary and benefits are not everything to me. I want to contribute and bring more sustainable solutions for the community, for my daughters.” Talent, male, 35-39.
For some, their careers and work must be meaningful and contribute to the advancement of Vietnamese society: “My career is in a sector that is important to Vietnamese people. It will bring them better living conditions. It’s important to me to make a difference in Vietnamese people’s lives.” Talent, female, 35-39.
Vietnamese talent’s motivations for meaningful work reflect a blend of individualism and collectivism. They seek personal fulfillment while advancing their employer’s success and contributing to national development, merging traditional community values with a drive for personal achievement akin to Western ideals.
Advancement, self-achievement and experiences
Advancement is a strong motivation among the Vietnamese talents interviewed. Many expressed a desire to rapidly attain managerial positions or earn promotions. Even younger talents choose Western multinationals to fully demonstrate their potential, seeking opportunities to excel, stand out, and make a significant impact at work. “I was selected in the MNE trainee program. This is a fast track. They only select the best candidates. My goal is clear: I want to become a manager in 3 years.” Talent, female, 20-24. “There is a fame around the multinationals. They offer the opportunity to shine, to achieve my full potential.” Talent, female, 20-24.
Driven by a pursuit of accomplishment and fulfillment, talents actively seek opportunities to achieve their goals and realize their full potential. Self-achievement, as a personal measure of success, varies based on individual aspirations, values, and objectives. This perspective places the individual at the forefront of these opportunities, diverging significantly from collectivist motivations.
Thus, our findings indicate a strong emphasis on achievement and success among Vietnamese talents, traits typically associated with masculinity in cultural dimensions. This stands in contrast to Hofstede’s proposition that, in feminine societies like Vietnam, the primary focus is on working to sustain life rather than striving for personal achievement. It highlights a nuanced dynamic between cultural norms and individual aspirations, where the pursuit of personal and professional success increasingly takes precedence over mere sustenance. Driven by a desire for achievement, their orientation appears more masculine than traditional societal norms suggest. This strong drive for fulfillment aligns closely with expectancy theory, as these individuals believe that their efforts in continuous learning and professional development will lead to career advancement, skill enhancement, and personal growth.
Seeking an international perspective
Several young talents aspire to work or study abroad, driven by a desire to experience diverse cultures and explore new horizons. Western companies in Vietnam offer opportunities not typically available in local private or state-owned enterprises: “Having experience for a global company in Vietnam will be a springboard for my international career. Having this on my CV will help me to find a contract in America.” Talent, male, 25-29.
When companies don’t offer international opportunities, some talents are driven to seek them independently, even if it necessitates resigning from multinational corporations. “In a 5-year timeframe, when my advancement opportunities within the multinational company will be limited, I plan to pursue an MBA in England to enhance my management and leadership skills.” Talent, female, 20-24.
The international perspective is a recurring theme among many Vietnamese talents we interviewed. They see it as an opportunity to advance their skills and explore new professional horizons, indicating a shift towards indulgence and personal growth. This trend, driven by globalization and exposure to Western lifestyles, contrasts with Hofstede’s cultural dimensions theory and underscores a growing aspiration for personal freedom and individual desires.
As Vietnam undergoes rapid socio-economic transformation, traditional hierarchical structures and collectivist values are increasingly giving way to a more individualistic ethos. This shift is particularly evident among the younger generation of talent, who prioritize personal freedom, pursue their passions, and assert their autonomy.
Automony, freedom and performance
Vietnamese talents aspire to autonomy and the freedom to fulfill their roles within organizations. This intrinsic motivation drives them, as they dislike imposed rules and rigid frameworks that conflict with their work. They prefer work environments that offer flexibility and independence, which enable them to contribute effectively. “I need to have freedom in my work. When I was working for a Vietnamese private company, I had to follow the rules. I’m not the kind of people who follows the rules. I very much appreciate the freedom this Western company offers me.” Talent, female, 25-29. “The most important thing for me is to have the autonomy to manage my own job and contribute to remodel the company's business plan.” Talent, male, 35-39.
They also seek performance and want to be challenged. Without these challenges, a sense of routine sets in, leading some to develop an intention to change jobs. This underscores their preference for a dynamic and stimulating work environment that promotes continuous growth and sustained engagement. “I can get bored very quickly if I don’t have challenges in my job. I usually take 2 or 3 days to decide if I quit my job or not.” Talent, male, 25-29.
Vietnamese talents are increasingly broadening their professional horizons by taking on activities beyond their standard roles. This proactive approach, characterized by embracing new challenges and seeking growth opportunities, marks a shift from traditional collectivistic motivations towards individual achievement and success. This trend contrasts with Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, which associate Vietnamese society with collectivism, femininity, and short-term orientation. The younger generation of talents shows a stronger preference for individualism, masculinity, and long-term perspectives, reflecting an evolution in their motivational dynamics away from societal conformity.
Hygiene factors of Vietnamese talent
While the intrinsic motivations of Vietnamese talents align more closely with Hofstede’s individualistic and masculinity dimensions, hygiene factors or external motivators are far more complex. According to Herzberg’s theory, hygiene factors cannot motivate employees but are essential for preventing dissatisfaction when managed effectively. Their absence or poor management can lead to dissatisfaction, although their mere presence does not inherently motivate.
While salary and working conditions are critical factors for Vietnamese talents, they are not the primary determinants of retention and motivation. Thus, TM should extend beyond traditional approaches such as the carrot-and-stick method and Skinner’s reinforcement theory. Although many leaders focus on immediate rewards like salary, which competitors can easily replicate, these factors have limited long-term impact on retention. A more effective strategy combines material incentives with opportunities for growth, fosters a sense of community, and provides meaningful work experiences (Mortensen and Edmondson, 2023).
The hygiene factors addressed by Vietnamese talents align with this perspective. As Herzberg emphasizes, hygiene factors should not be perceived as less important; they hold equal significance to motivators, albeit for distinct reasons. They are essential for maintaining a positive work environment and preventing dissatisfaction.
Mentorship and supervisor quality
Among young Vietnamese talents, mentorship is a powerful asset to ensure their professional and even personal development. Some multinational companies even pair young talents with more experienced individuals to guide them on their professional journey. “Not everyone has the chance to have a mentor in Vietnam. My mentor is my boss but outside work, he is like a friend. We are going out for coffee and beer together. It helps to give some directions in my life.” Talent, male, 20-24.
In Vietnam, mentorship not only enhance engagement but also serve as essential catalysts for fostering employee development and job satisfaction. This mentor-mentee relationship can extend beyond the workplace, serving as a means to integrate into a larger network and capitalize on more opportunities.
Similarly, the supervisor is crucial to the satisfaction of Vietnamese talents in Western companies. Although not explicitly a mentor, the supervisor significantly impacts the talent’s career. The quality of the supervisor-employee relationship can be a key retention factor; a poor fit may lead to feelings of inadequate support and hindered progress, causing talents to seek new positions. “The boss helps you to achieve yourself, to enhance your competencies. When you don’t have that fit, it’s time to change.” Talent, male, 20-24.
The concept of “fit” is crucial, with person-organization fit (PO fit) evaluating the alignment between an individual’s values, goals, work styles, and overall culture with those of the organization (Kristof-Brown et al., 2023). A good fit is associated with positive outcomes such as increased job satisfaction, improved performance, greater organizational commitment, reduced turnover intentions, and enhanced organizational citizenship behavior. The supervisor plays a key role in facilitating this fit; a misfit, as highlighted by the respondent, can lead to dissatisfaction and a higher likelihood of leaving.
Respect, consideration and interpersonal relations
Linked to the interaction between supervisors and talent, elements such as respect, consideration, and interpersonal connections emerge as hygiene factors. Respect, in particular, transcends individual well-being and significantly impacts the overall work experience of the talents interviewed: “I was working for an Asian company before, and they didn’t treat well the maintenance staff. I couldn’t stand that disrespect. I preferred to leave my job.” Talent, female, 25-29.
In this context, respect for others, deeply rooted in collectivism and traditional Vietnamese values, emphasizes solidarity and community, prioritizing the well-being of the group over individual interests. “Here, they treat people with respect, they consider what they think, they listen to them. That’s why people stay.” Talent, male, 35-39.
Respect and consideration are closely intertwined. Reflecting their history of resilience from colonial experiences, the Vietnamese talent value having their perspectives acknowledged and being involved in organizational decision-making. This fosters a sense of belonging and worth, contributing to a positive work environment.
Moreover, they want to be heard: “Here, they hear our voices” (Talent, male, 20-24). This statement underscores the importance of being listened to and valued in the employer-employee relationship, emphasizing the holistic value of talent. The perception of being heard is deemed crucial for recognition, extending beyond mere acknowledgment of skills to encompass overall contribution to the organization. This perception fosters a sense of equality, challenging traditional hierarchical relationships typically associated with collectivist cultures. Contrary to Hofstede’s depiction of Vietnam as a society characterized by high power distance, the younger generation of Vietnamese talents demonstrates a reluctance to strictly adhere to hierarchical structures. This shift reflects a growing inclination toward egalitarianism and a preference for work environments that foster active participation and engagement.
Vietnamese talent tends to challenge conventional authority structures and support more inclusive decision-making processes. This preference for horizontal communication and collaboration indicates a broader societal shift towards empowerment in Vietnam. “In my company, everyone is on the same level. There is no hierarchical management like before. Everyone can bring their ideas and be considered with respect.” Talent, male, 30-34.
Beyond the desire to be heard and valued as individuals, respondents also emphasized the importance of interpersonal relationships and group cohesion in the workplace. This preference aligns closely with Hofstede’s collectivist dimension, as Vietnamese talent, for example, highly values team-building activities that strengthen bonds with colleagues.
“Vietnamese people are very attached to their company. They appreciate team building activities. This is less common in French companies.” Talent, male, 30-34.
Vietnamese talent forms enduring connections with coworkers that develop into friendships, persisting even after leaving the organization. Although these bonds are not primary motivators, they significantly impact employee commitment, performance, and retention (Bauer et al., 1998).
A key insight from interviews with Vietnamese talent, pertinent to TM, is the significance of the employer’s commitment to employees. Specifically, a company’s dedication to an employee’s family can strengthen relationships. “I am aware that my salary is lower, but since my employer has offered a job to my brother, I owe it to him to stay.” Talent, woman, 35-39.
Family connections are deeply embedded in Vietnamese culture, and when employers demonstrate commitment to these family values, it significantly enhances talent retention.
Vietnamese talents also highly value transparency, favoring direct and honest communication. They seek clear information and feedback regarding the company’s goals, strategies, performance, and other relevant factors affecting their work. This transparency not only fosters trust among employees but also enhances their sense of inclusivity and engagement. “European managers are transparent. Their objectives are clear. With Vietnamese managers, we never know.” Talent, woman, 30-34.
Work environment, flexibility and job security
The work environment plays a crucial role in the satisfaction of Vietnamese talent. As previously discussed, it should offer freedom, autonomy, and flexibility. For some, a positive work environment is defined by flexible working hours and the ability to manage their tasks independently which facilitates the integration of personal, family, and professional responsibilities. This inclination underscores a growing appreciation for work-life balance, similar to trends observed in developed economies. The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly transformed Vietnamese work needs, making hybrid work and flexibility increasingly aligned with Hofstede’s individualistic dimension. “I want to work for an American company, but they are not so many in Vietnam. I think American companies are more flexible, when you work is done you can leave whenever you want.” Talent, male, 20-24.
The youngest talents interviewed aspire to go beyond traditional career paths, seeking opportunities for personal projects and, even, entrepreneurial ventures. This shift towards individual pursuits marks a departure from a strictly career-centric focus. Although Hofstede characterizes Vietnamese culture as restrained, these individuals challenge societal norms by adopting a more indulgent approach to life. Young talents recognize the opportunities arising from a transitioning economy and are eager to seize them. This proactive mindset is influenced by both external and internal factors. Externally, the shifting economic landscape offers new career paths, entrepreneurial ventures, and innovation-driven industries. Internally, younger individuals exhibit adaptability, ambition, and a willingness to take risks, enabling them to navigate and capitalize on these changes. This dynamic signals a broader societal transformation, as their eagerness reflects a cultural shift from prioritizing stability and sustenance to embracing growth, achievement, and long-term success. This evolution highlights their pivotal role as agents of change in shaping the economy’s future. “In a few years, once I have gained enough experience in management and leadership, I will run my own business. I plan to establish several branches across the country.” Talent, female, 25-29.
Finally, few talents expressed a desire for long-term employment stability, particularly when starting a family, highlighting the importance of collectivist values and the central role of family in Vietnamese culture. This focus on familial well-being aligns with the feminine dimension of culture, where quality of life and interpersonal relationships take precedence over career advancement and personal achievement. Moreover, career aspirations may shift over time, reflecting individuals’ evolving needs and priorities. “My goal would be different if I get married, if I have a family.” Talent, male, 25-29.
The motivations driving Vietnamese talent are diverse and multifaceted, defying simplistic dichotomies and hierarchical structures. They are dynamic and fluctuate based on individual life contexts, personal experiences, societal changes, and career development. Understanding the complex and evolving nature of these motivations is essential for capturing talent dynamics in emerging economies such as Vietnam and for enabling firms to design culturally sensitive development and retention practices that are aligned with local expectations.
Conclusion
This study advances research on the cultural influences shaping talent motivations in dynamic and transitional contexts by offering several theoretical contributions. By proposing an integrative use of motivational and cultural theories, we demonstrate that classical frameworks such as Herzberg’s two-factor theory and Hofstede’s cultural dimensions remain analytically useful when mobilized in a dynamic and context-sensitive manner. These two models rest on contrasting logics: Herzberg conceptualizes satisfaction and dissatisfaction as coexisting mechanisms rather than opposite ends of a single continuum, whereas Hofstede theorizes culture along bipolar dimensions. Their combination thus enables a more nuanced interpretation of talent motivations in emerging economies. Although developed several decades ago, these frameworks provide a valuable conceptual starting point for examining foundational motivational and cultural mechanisms shaping talent orientations in emerging economies. Rather than treating them as static representations of work behavior, we use these frameworks to examine how motivational logics are being reinterpreted and reshaped within a contemporary talent context marked by globalization, digitalization, and shifting career aspirations. In doing so, our study moves beyond rigid and dichotomous applications of classical theories by showing how traditional cultural orientations can coexist with modern aspirations for autonomy, self-development, and performance.
Empirically, our findings show that Vietnamese talent are more driven by intrinsic, individualistic motivations, while extrinsic motivators form a more intricate configuration that blends collectivist and individualistic elements. Although these individuals demonstrate strong alignment with Western corporate norms and recognize the importance of continuous learning in a skills-driven market, they remain deeply embedded in a national culture that values community and social harmony. Taken together, these results illustrate how context-specific forces shape talent motivations in distinctive ways and challenge the oversimplified dichotomous representations of culture that continue to characterize much of cross-cultural research.
We thus observe a distinct cultural paradox among Vietnamese talent. While Vietnam is often characterized as a collectivist, tradition-oriented society, the aspirations and motivations of highly skilled professionals increasingly prioritize individual achievement, autonomy, and self-realization. Although this paradox has been documented at the societal level, our contribution lies in demonstrating how it manifests concretely at the micro level within the domain of talent management. For Vietnamese talent, collectivist moral obligations continue to shape social roles and expected behaviors, while individualistic career logics simultaneously influence motivations, career aspirations, and relationships with organizations. This coexistence gives rise to a talent subculture whose motivational configurations challenge the rigid binaries implied by dominant cultural frameworks, such as Hofstede’s individualism–collectivism dimension.
Understanding the blend of traditional collectivist values and the contemporary aspirations observed among Vietnamese talent offers deeper insight into the broader cultural dynamics of a society undergoing structural transformation. Our findings corroborate existing evidence of intra-country cultural variation (Dheer et al., 2015), indicating that multiple subcultures can coexist within a single national context, each characterized by distinct value configurations, needs, and behavioral norms. As Tung aptly notes, “Just as cultures are not homogeneous within a given nation-state, similarly culture is not static; rather it evolves over time” (2008: 44). This dynamic and evolving nature of culture is particularly salient in Vietnam, where intensified globalization and cross-cultural interactions are driving profound changes. From a cross-cultural management perspective, these findings underscore the need to move beyond static national cultural frameworks and to account for the dynamic, subcultural, and context-specific processes in which talents’ aspirations, motivations, and career expectations are formed.
By responding to the call for more empirical research on talent in emerging contexts (Gallardo-Gallardo et al., 2020), this study advances the talent management literature. Our findings indicate that the aspirations and motivations of talent in economies such as Vietnam are shaped by distinctive transitional dynamics and evolving cultural configurations, which differentiate them in important ways from talent in developed contexts. Prior research on talent expectations has predominantly focused on developed economies, often implicitly assuming the transferability of these findings to emerging contexts (Orlando et al., 2022). By demonstrating that motivations are both context-dependent and dynamic, our study offers a more nuanced and culturally grounded understanding of talent aspirations in emerging economies.
This study therefore carries important implications at the managerial level. In the context of intensifying global competition for talent in emerging markets, firms can no longer rely on standardized talent management practices developed in Western contexts. A “one-size-fits-all” approach is particularly ineffective in these economies (Arseneault, 2020: 181), where misalignment between organizational practices and local talent expectations can lead in disengagement and high turnover. Developing a deeper, context-sensitive understanding of talent motivations enables organizations to design attraction and retention strategies that align more closely with local aspirations. Given that Vietnamese talents express strong motivations for learning, meaningful contribution, and career advancement, firms should prioritize continuous professional development and create opportunities for participative decision-making. By fostering work environments that support skill development and recognize employee contributions, organizations can enhance engagement, retention, job satisfaction, and long-term organizational commitment.
Limitations and future research
This study is subject to several limitations. First, as an exploratory study, the qualitative data are based on a sample of 42 individuals aged between 22 and 39 employed in Western multinational enterprises operating in Vietnam. This sampling frame may limit the generalizability of the findings—for example, to other categories of talent, particularly those working in Asian firms, domestic private enterprises, or state-owned organizations, where organizational structures, management practices, and career dynamics may differ. Second, the empirical focus on the manufacturing, service, and IT sectors constrains the sectoral scope of the analysis. Although these sectors account for a substantial share of skilled employment in emerging markets (UNCTAD, 2024; World Bank, 2019), this focus may not fully capture the broader diversity of talent profiles and motivational patterns present in other industries. Third, the study concentrates exclusively on Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. While these metropolitan centers play a dominant role in Vietnam’s economic and organizational landscape, this geographic concentration limits the extent to which the findings can be generalized to other urban and non-urban regions.
Future research could address these limitations in several ways. Comparative analyses across different organizational contexts—including Asian multinational enterprises, state-owned organizations, and domestic private firms—would allow for a more fine-grained understanding of how ownership structures, managerial logics, and institutional environments shape talent aspirations, motivations, and career expectations. Extending the age scope of future samples would also enable scholars to examine intergenerational variation and assess whether the expectations of older cohorts align with or diverge from those of younger generations. Extending the geographic scope to other rapidly developing cities and peripheral provinces in Vietnam may offer additional insight into subnational cultural variation. Longitudinal research designs would be particularly valuable for capturing how talent aspirations, behaviors, and career intentions evolve over time in response to organizational experiences, life-course transitions, and macroeconomic change. Finally, cross-country comparative studies with economies at similar stages of development (e.g., Indonesia, Thailand, or the Philippines) would help determine whether the patterns identified in Vietnam reflect broader transitional dynamics. Such analyses would complement the present study by showing how Vietnam’s evolving talent dynamics compare with those of other emerging economies.
Footnotes
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.