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Abstract

Schools in the Netherlands, including those in the Caribbean Netherlands (Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba), are required to incorporate citizenship education into their curricula. These islands, which became special municipalities of the Netherlands in 2010, present unique challenges in implementing citizenship education within postcolonial contexts. This study explores how citizenship education can be adapted to align with the local living environment, opportunities, and perspectives of Caribbean students, while promoting social justice. Using a qualitative approach, 17 semi-structured interviews were conducted with teachers, school leaders, and policymakers. Thematic analysis revealed that citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands is not yet systematically integrated into curricula or learning goals. Instead, related themes are compartmentalised within subjects like history and social studies, often following Dutch guidelines. Many participants found the concept of ‘citizenship education’ unfamiliar. The current focus is on fostering societal and civic knowledge, yet there is a clear need for more structured guidelines and support to implement citizenship education effectively. Additionally, the findings highlight the importance of developing a context-specific vision for citizenship education that reflects the unique postcolonial setting of these islands, ensuring it resonates with the lived experiences and aspirations of Caribbean students.

Keywords

Citizenship education BES-islands Caribbean Netherlands postcolonial education

Introduction

Citizenship education has gained growing prominence in education policy and research globally, reflecting a wider concern with preparing students to engage critically and constructively in increasingly complex and interconnected societies and in fulfilling the aims of human rights, freedom, democracy, and social justice (Andreotti, 2010; Osler and Starkey, 2015). With pressing social issues on the rise, such as war, racism, polarisation, and concern about climate change, citizenship education is often seen as a means of tackling these problems within the framework of democratic participation, but also as a tool for communicating ideological images of dominant cultures (Gardner-McTaggart and Palmer, 2018; van der Ploeg and Guérin, 2016). The somewhat normative foundations underpinning much of this discourse have however been critiqued, especially in relation to postcolonial societies where colonial legacies continue to shape educational structures and civic imaginaries (Andreotti, 2010; Gardner-McTaggart and Palmer, 2018). In such settings, citizenship education must go beyond conventional political or civic knowledge to include critical engagement with histories of colonisation, power asymmetries, and cultural hierarchies. As Andreotti (2010, p. 238) argues, postcolonial citizenship education should foster the ‘interrogation of European cultural supremacy in the subjugation of different peoples and knowledges’, and attend to the lived experiences and aspirations of historically marginalised communities.

In line with this, Spivak (1988) has questioned whether the subaltern can speak, as a way of criticising how dominant systems often exclude or misrepresent marginalised voices. For postcolonial citizenship education, this means going beyond making space for students’ local identities and experiences, but critically questioning whose knowledge counts and who gets to define the terms of (national and local) civic belonging. Also similarly, Freire (1970) argues that education is inherently political, and calls for a ‘pedagogy of the oppressed’ that empowers learners to engage in dialogue, critical reflection, and action. In postcolonial contexts, Freire’s emphasis on conscientisation, that is, raising awareness of structural injustice, offers a foundation for citizenship education that cultivates agency and transformative participation. In this regard, Osler and Starkey (2015) propose the concept of education for cosmopolitan citizenship that emphasises human rights, solidarity, and democratic agency, particularly relevant for learners in postcolonial multilingual contexts. This framework promotes respect for diversity, critical reflection on injustice, and the development of civic identities that transcend national boundaries.

Against this backdrop, this article examines citizenship education within a postcolonial context: the Caribbean Netherlands. Since 2006, citizenship education has been compulsory in the Kingdom of the Netherlands including the islands of Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba (collectively referred to as the Caribbean Netherlands). These islands became special municipalities of the Netherlands in 2010 through constitutional reforms known as ‘10-10-10’ (Nuffic, 2015). Although the Dutch government bears responsibility for the quality and direction of education in these municipalities, the implementation of citizenship education remains highly variable and loosely defined. Schools are expected to promote basic democratic values such as freedom, equality, and solidarity (Curriculum.nu, 2019), yet there is no national framework guiding how these values should be adapted to the local context of the Caribbean Netherlands.

Education in the BES-islands reflects differing colonial legacies and systems. Bonaire largely follows the European Dutch curriculum, including textbooks and exams in Dutch, while Saba and St. Eustatius adhere to the Caribbean Examination Council’s (CXC) system. The curriculum in Bonaire offers logistical benefits – such as easier deployment of Dutch-trained teachers and pathways to Dutch secondary or vocational education – but it often fails to resonate with students whose lived experiences, languages, and cultural affiliations are rooted in Caribbean contexts (Mijts, 2013; UNICEF Nederland, 2019). Meanwhile, citizenship education reforms proposed within the Netherlands have generally overlooked the specific needs of the Dutch Caribbean.

Research on citizenship education in postcolonial settings remains limited, particularly in relation to non-sovereign or minority communities (Goren and Yemini, 2017). Existing models of citizenship education often originate from Western frameworks and may inadequately account for the socio-historical complexity of contexts like the Caribbean Netherlands (Andreotti, 2006; Oxley and Morris, 2013). This study aims to address this gap by exploring how citizenship education is currently understood and practised in the Caribbean Netherlands, and how local stakeholders envision its future development.

Drawing on interviews with teachers, school leaders, and local policymakers, this exploratory study is guided by the following research questions:

What do teachers, school principals and government stakeholders understand under citizenship and citizenship education?

How is citizenship education currently provided in schools and what is the desired situation that teachers, school directors and government stakeholders envision regarding citizenship education?

Citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands: a postcolonial effort?

Citizenship education can be regarded as a catch-all term that takes on an interpretation and meaning depending on the context, community or culture in which it is defined (Goren and Yemini, 2017). Munniksma et al. (2017) define citizenship as the functioning of citizens within society. They examine the ways in which individuals relate to other citizens and communities, how citizens participate in a society, but also how citizens deal with, among other things, identity, differences, diversity, social cohesion and solidarity. In addition, the relationship between individuals, authorities and institutions is also examined (Nieuwelink et al., 2016). In short, citizenship has various social tasks: dealing with differences and conflicts, acting democratically and acting in a socially responsible manner within society (Nieuwelink et al., 2016).

Citizenship education involves the learning process of functioning in a diverse, democratic society according to one’s ideals, values, and norms. It also encompasses the development of the capability and willingness to actively contribute to this society. Schools play a crucial role in cultivating citizenship skills and imparting the common cultural values of a state to its citizens (Pijl and Guadeloupe, 2015). In other words, citizenship education is about teaching students knowledge, attitudes, skills and behaviour, as well as the capacity to apply them effectively in social contexts (Munniksma et al., 2017; Schulz et al., 2016). In summary, according to Nieuwelink et al. (2016), it can be stated that the following elements are expressed in the concept of citizenship education:

a) Components: knowledge, skills, attitudes, reflections, and behaviours;

b) Domains: the social, societal, and political domain, in particular when dealing with individual and collective interests;

c) Normativity: a shared (moral) core, but also different accents and interpretations, which are related to intrinsically tense concepts (such as community-individual, freedom-equality);

d) Context dependency: citizenship takes shape in specific contexts and is therefore related in the context of education to characteristics of the living environment of pupils.

When a school develops a vision of citizenship and translates it into learning objectives, educational content, and an approach to shape it in education, it is important to take these different elements into account. This is certainly the case in the Caribbean Netherlands context, where schools have a great deal of freedom to define their own citizenship education and the goals and contents they use.

Due to the dissolution of the Dutch Antilles on October 10, 2010, which is also often referred to as 10-10-10, new debates have arisen about the sense of togetherness, identity, sovereignty, and citizenship (Pijl and Guadeloupe, 2015). New constitutional structures create a need among citizens to reconstruct the ideologies regarding the sense of belonging on the islands, to explore the new relationship with the Dutch state, but also to question discourses of Western sovereignty (Bonilla, 2013). In a nation-state such as the Netherlands, the ideologies about togetherness and citizenship are usually formulated based on nationalistic terms. In such postcolonial settings, educational systems have been deeply shaped by colonial legacies, which continue to influence not only language and curriculum but also normative assumptions about citizenship, identity, and belonging. Foundational postcolonial theorists such as Said (1978), Bhabha (1994), and Fanon (1961) have exposed how colonial discourse constructs cultural hierarchies and civic identities that persist long after formal decolonisation. Their work highlights the need for citizenship education that is not only inclusive, but also actively challenges Eurocentric narratives and promotes decolonial pedagogies that validate local knowledges and identities. Mijts (2013), however, claims that the Netherlands still maintains a dominant position within the Kingdom of the Netherlands regarding how society and education are shaped, although the context of the Caribbean Netherlands challenges the conventional concept of a nation characterised by fixed borders, inhabitants, and a traditional nation-state.

The Caribbean Netherlands is part of the ‘extended state’ of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, but has major contextual differences compared to the Netherlands (Kruijt and De Jong, 2005). On the islands, there can therefore be a tension between nationality and nationess. Nationality can be defined as the legal status of being a citizen of a specific state, implying a person’s affiliation with a sovereign nation and entailing associated rights and responsibilities. In the Kingdom of the Netherlands, all citizens share the same passport and Dutch nationality under this legal framework. Conversely, nationness is a cultural concept encompassing diverse meanings, symbolising everyday practices that extend beyond possession of a passport, residency permit, or ancestral ties (Pijl and Guadeloupe, 2015). In this context, delineating citizenship becomes intricate. Given Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba, each with its distinct history interlinked by colonialism, it becomes imperative to consider the unique significance of citizenship within the islands.

A study by UNICEF Nederland (2019) shows that the islands are characterised by a continuous influx and outflow of migrants, causing migration flows within the region, from the islands to the Netherlands and vice-versa. Despite the limited population numbers, there is considerable diversity, giving rise to movements of people, goods, and ideas. The politics of the past, present, and potential future are significantly influenced by a shared sense of togetherness (Guadeloupe, 2009). Mijts (2013) notes an extensive form of pluri-identification on the islands, tied to the various domains people navigate through and the associated languages. Given the (colonial) history, political ties with the Netherlands, economic connections, geographical location, and diverse backgrounds, Mijts argues that individuals must possess notable flexibility to navigate different societal domains. The challenge lies in reconciling these circumstances with factors such as identity formation and togetherness, which typically pertain to a confined region, a central government, and national citizenship. Consequently, forming a collective identity in such an ethnically and culturally diverse context may prove challenging.

Consequently, our study draws on critical and postcolonial perspectives to frame citizenship education not as a neutral transmission of civic values, but as a site where power, identity, and belonging can also be contested. Following Andreotti (2006, 2010) and Osler and Starkey (2015), we conceptualise citizenship education as context-dependent and value-laden, requiring awareness of historical injustices and cultural pluralism. Spivak’s (1988) critique of epistemic violence challenges educators to deconstruct dominant Eurocentric narratives and enable students to articulate their own civic identities. Likewise, Freire’s (1970) notion of education as a practice of freedom informs our view of citizenship education as a dialogical and participatory process through which learners develop critical consciousness and collective responsibility.

According to Banks (2001), one of the challenges of a pluralistic democratic society is to provide opportunities for different ethnic groups to preserve components of their culture while building a nation-state in which diverse groups are structurally part and connected. If national citizenship is transformed into a concept that reflects and gives voice to the diverse ethnic, linguistic and religious communities that make up a society, such a concept of citizenship will also be more readily perceived as legitimate by citizens, allowing them to be more connected to the community and its ideals. Banks (2001) therefore advocates implementing multicultural citizenship in schools. In multicultural citizenship education, students gain the knowledge, attitudes, and skills for functioning within their ethnic and cultural community and beyond. They also develop the ability to contribute to building democratic national citizenship. This includes understanding various cultural, national, and global identities, while acquiring knowledge-building skills, and fostering civic participation for a more humanitarian society (Banks, 2001). The increasing interdependence of countries due to globalisation has led to a growing emphasis on global citizenship. This is particularly relevant for the BES- islands, given their diverse cultures, languages, and nationalities. In this context, we contend that the conventional definitions and applications of citizenship are not suitable, and instead, values such as global awareness, empathy, and cultural sensitivity, rooted in humanistic values, take precedence. The notion of formal citizenship, whether from a Dutch or Caribbean standpoint, fails to capture the islands’ diversity and individuality (Andreotti, 2010).

Oxley and Morris (2013) developed a taxonomy for citizenship education based on ‘cosmopolitan’ and ‘advocacy’ models. The cosmopolitan model encompasses topics such as politics, morality, economics, and culture, drawing from conventional citizenship perspectives that distinguish and analyse dimensions of social and political organisations (Oxley and Morris, 2013). In contrast, the advocacy model addresses alternative themes such as critical citizenship, spirituality, and the climate. These advocacy models are also in line with Osley and Starkey’s concept of education for cosmopolitan citizenship (2015). There may be conflicts between the advocacy and cosmopolitan models due to their responsiveness to diverse perspectives (Goren and Yemini, 2017). Pupils are challenged to make connections between their own worlds and larger social issues, which arise in both the cosmopolitan and advocacy models.

In short, research shows that citizenship education entails various conceptualisations. Citizenship in the Caribbean Netherlands, however, is not based on the traditional idea of a nation defined by fixed borders, inhabitants, and state. Defining citizenship in this context is therefore a complex issue. Frequently, assumptions, theories, or norms concerning citizenship are shaped by a Western perspective. Postcolonial literature suggests that citizenship educationin the Caribbean Netherlands should adopt a more critical approach, emphasising various contextual and value-related aspects, such as identities, colonial histories, and civic knowledge construction. The aim of the current paper is thus to map the current practices of citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands and to identify the needs of the different stakeholders involved.

Methodology

This research is exploratory in nature (Fetters et al., 2013), looking at the current citizenship education practice in the Caribbean Netherlands and the visions for its further development. To answer the main question a qualitative design was used (Creswell, 2013) in which the expertise of teachers, school directors, and stakeholders within the government was mapped through interviews.

Sample

The participants consisted of two school principals, seven teachers, and eight policymakers in charge of educational policies. Participants were selected through purposive sampling, specifically aimed at their position in the organisations in question (Creswell, 2013). The research group contained teachers and principals from three secondary schools: Saba Comprehensive School (SCS) in Saba, the Scholengemeenschap Bonaire (SGB) in Bonaire and the Gwendoline van Putten school (GvP) in St. Eustatius. For each secondary school, a principal and the teachers of social studies or history were interviewed. Furthermore, policymakers from the public entities on the islands and the National Office for the Caribbean Netherlands (RCN) who are involved in education were interviewed. Finally, policy officers who are working on citizenship education in the Netherlands from the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science were also interviewed. This resulted in 17 interviews (see Table 1).

Table 1.

Sample of teachers, principals, and governmental stakeholders.

Location	N	Function	Gender	Age
Bonaire	5	3 teachers1 principal1 gov. stakeholder	40% male60% female	M = 41 SD = 11.85 (28–57)
St. Eustatius	5	2 teachers3 gov. stakeholders	100% female	M = 46.3 SD = 9.50 (37–56)
Saba	4	2 teachers1 principal1 gov. stakeholder	50% male50% female	M = 43.67 SD = 10.11 (31–49)
European Netherlands	3	3 gov. stakeholders	67% male33% female	M = 34 SD = 7.21 (28–42)
Total	17	41% teachers (7)12% principals (2)47% gov. stakeholders (8)	35% male65% female	M = 41 SD = 9.97 (28–57)

Instrument

The interview guidelines were developed based on the ICCS teacher questionnaire (2020) and the studies of Katzarska-Miller and Reysen (2018), Morais and Ogden (2011) and ICCS (Schulz et al., 2016). A selection was made of the most relevant questions and additional inquiries were included to address the Caribbean context. Three slightly different semi-structured interview guidelines were developed: one for the principals, teachers, and policymakers. The following themes were discussed in the interview guidelines: citizenship, vision, and learning objectives, the practice of citizenship education, teachers’ professional development, and the curriculum.

Procedure

The teachers, principals, and policymakers were approached by email. Further participants were recruited using the snowball sampling method (Creswell, 2013). Participants first had to provide active consent to participate in the study. The interviews were then conducted online and lasted an average of 60 minutes. The interviews were conducted in English and Dutch, recorded, and transcribed verbatim.

Data analysis

The interviews were coded using the qualitative data analysis programme Atlas.ti. By applying a thematic coding analysis (Clarke et al., 2015), six categories were first established based on the theory: citizenship, critical citizenship, vision and learning goals, citizenship education practice, professional development, and curriculum. After a first coding round, all interviews were analysed again using open coding to extract as much additional data and patterns as possible. The interviews were therefore coded twice, also known as back-and-forth coding (Berg, 2009). The categories and codes used are shown in Table 2.

Table 2.

Coding scheme for the interviews.

Main code	Sub-code	Anchor example
Citizenship	Components, domains, normativity, context dependency	‘By citizenship I mean guiding and educating students to become critical participants in society’.
Critical citizenship	Internationalisation, economy, politics, global, citizen participation, human rights, climate	‘I actually think that’s very little. The way I look at international citizenship and internationalisation, there is still a world to be won’.
Vision and learning objectives	Vision, learning goals, values	‘That has to do with educating students becoming critical citizens, which is actually described in the general objectives. The general vision of the school is actually disseminated within various activities’.
Citizenship education	Qualification, socialisation, subjectivity, activities, teaching methods, materials, topics, language, quality, government, parent involvement, strengths, challenges	‘In that case, you must have learned in citizenship education about, for example, the trias politica, the functioning of the European Union, to name just a few themes’.
Professional development	Communication, expertise, support, network, collaboration, training	‘The curriculum of the teacher training; there citizenship has been added’
Curriculum	Experience, syllabus, core objectives, suggestions, future	‘I don’t have a curriculum when it comes to citizenship, just what it says in our mission and vision for it’.

Results

What teachers, principals, and government stakeholders understand under citizenship and citizenship education

Of the four codes analysed, the highest number of codes was attributed to the sub-codes ‘components’ (34.6%), ‘domains’ (30.9%), ‘normativity’ (30.9%) and the least coded was ‘context dependence’ (3.6%). Subsequently, the impact of 10-10-10 on the definition of citizenship in the Caribbean Netherlands was examined.

Definition: components

12 of the 17 respondents link citizenship to specific democratic and societal knowledge, skills, attitudes, reflections, and behaviours. Schools recognise their role in teaching knowledge about democratic principles, how society, its institution’s function and the different ethnic groups living on the islands. In addition, respondents believe that this knowledge should be translated into skills, attitudes, and behaviours so that students can interact with each other in a respectful way, make an active contribution to society, but also be citizens on the islands. For example, this teacher in Saba says:

When I think about citizenship education, I think about providing students with knowledge and skills to understand the challenges they face, not only at the individual level, but also challenges at the national, regional and global levels, and to be able to allow students to become informed, to allow them to become empowered so that they engage in behaviours that will allow them to voice opinions respectfully and that will allow them to become good citizens.

On Bonaire, a principal claims that the school plays an important role in ‘guiding and educating students to become critical participants in society’. This also relates to the development of competencies in pupils that they can apply in society. On the other hand, the Public Entity St. Eustatius views citizenship education as a means to help citizens in their development. According to respondents in St. Eustatius, citizenship and citizenship education involves being engaged in diverse community services to enable individuals to lead productive lives on the island. Finally, citizenship from the Public Entity Saba is seen as the (practical) knowledge that a citizen needs to be a good citizen for the island or country in which one lives.

Definition: domains

The interviews also show that 15 of the 17 respondents associate citizenship with the social, societal and political domain, especially when it comes to dealing with individual and collective interests. For example, respondents indicate the following:

I am thinking about assertive and active citizens, and about social involvement. When we talk about politics, it is important to vote and also to take your own responsibility, for me that is citizenship.

And:

The relationship of young people to society, but also the active and conscientious participation in different social groups in society.

In addition, teachers in Bonaire believe that citizenship plays a role in raising students’ social awareness by showing how their actions affect the world and their own lives. They want to encourage students to adopt a critical attitude. In St. Eustatius, however, the focus lies more on personal development and how this is expressed in social relations and society. For example, a teacher in St. Eustatius indicates the following:

(. . .) Citizenship is looking at the role of the individual within their country and what role they play in the present and future development of their country. But it also extends to their role as a global citizen and what they add to the development of the world in general, not just their island or country.

Definition: normativity

Citizenship is seen by 9 of the 17 respondents as a shared (moral) core that is related to being a good citizen on the island regardless of cultural background. According to teachers in Saba, citizenship has to do with a sense of belonging, being part of a democratic process, and being able to participate in various activities within society. Based on this conviction, teachers also want to set an example as educators or role models, as expressed by a teacher below:

It is my job to transfer and propagate values and norms so that my children and my students can make their own choices about their participation in society and determine their vision of the future.

In the scope of citizenship education, teachers find it important to make students aware of the problems that exist on the island, but also to show them how these can be solved to improve society. In the European Netherlands, respondents indicate that the shared (moral) core of what is meant by citizenship equals freedom, equality, and solidarity.

Definition: context dependence

Citizenship is also defined by some stakeholders as something that takes shape in specific contexts. Citizenship is hereby seen as belonging to, or being registered in a country. In addition, respondents see citizenship more as a cultural construct with different meanings and feelings that are more inclusive than having a passport, or even ancestry or descent, as one policy officer from Saba puts it:

I wouldn’t say the passport that you hold. I wouldn’t say that it identifies you because I have a Dutch nationality or passport, but I wouldn’t say I’m a Dutch person. I think it’s more: will you identify that you’re from the culture that you share with that place? And I think that is what citizenship means to me.

Citizenship after 10-10-10 in the Caribbean Netherlands

Respondents had varying perspectives on how the political changes of 10-10-10 have impacted the implementation of citizenship. Some respondents noted that in the years following 10-10-10, there was widespread disappointment. In Bonaire, there was a perceived increase in inequality between children from the Netherlands and those from Bonaire. Respondents in St. Eustatius observed that many perspectives differ from those in the Netherlands. Additionally, colonial history remains a tangible reality for Caribbean inhabitants. In Saba and St. Eustatius, a distinction based on skin colour, primarily between white and black individuals, is perceived, as illustrated by the following quote from a teacher:

There’s a difference between the white and the black citizen, which in fact does not exist on paper. So, you know that gap. But it’s a colonial fear within most blacks within the Caribbean. It’s about history, and so I understand where it’s coming from. So racial issues do need to be addressed. And I think we shy away from them.

On the islands people experience a dichotomy: citizens who indicate that things have changed for the better and citizens who prefer to return to the situation before 10-10-10. As one teacher from Bonaire points out: ‘a kind of love-hate relationship with the Netherlands, that is really the dynamic here on the island’.

In short, the results show that the definitions that are assigned to citizenship and citizenship education, mainly relate to the democratic and social components, domains and normativities. On Bonaire, citizenship was associated with social consciousness, critical thinking, and the ability to actively contribute to society. On St. Eustatius, citizenship was perceived more as a means of personal growth and the advancement of the island. In Saba, the focus was on the competencies individuals develop to become exemplary citizens within the island community. Citizenship education is regarded across all islands as a tool to foster these civic competencies among students, as well as to raise awareness and engage in discussions about various social issues, including the colonial history and contemporary realities of the islands.

How citizenship education is currently provided and how stakeholders envision it

Vision and objectives

In the schools, there is currently no concrete vision of citizenship or citizenship education. Nevertheless, numerous civic elements are intertwined within the overall school vision. Additionally, specific learning objectives for citizenship education have not been established; instead, they are incorporated into the achievement targets of subjects like Social Studies, Science, and History. Respondents from the public bodies also confirm that no concrete vision has been formulated for citizenship education. A respondent from Saba indicated that the focus is mainly on the development of cultural education, history, and improving the quality of education. This is also recognisable on the other islands.

Moreover, education mainly falls under the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science in the Netherlands. Respondents from the Netherlands indicate that the principle of citizenship is interwoven with the general citizenship task. This citizenship assignment also applies to the Caribbean Netherlands, but this may be adapted to the Caribbean context. These respondents acknowledge the distinction between European and Caribbean societies and emphasise the importance of student participation in schools and in (Caribbean) societies.

Implementation of citizenship education

Not all schools have an established curriculum for citizenship education. This is mainly integrated within subjects such as Social Studies, History, religion, and cultural education. Teachers from all the three islands indicate that they incorporate different teaching methods, such as holding a class discussion or a debate, treating theory, group assignments, projects, excursions or a one-on-one conversation. In addition, assignments, fragments of film or music are also used to inspire students by current events.

Respondents were also asked which themes related to citizenship are discussed. The principal and teachers identified themes related to governance (15%), politics (14%), current world affairs (14%), and history (10%) as the most common themes addressed in the scope of citizenship education. When teachers delve into topics related to politics and governance, they explore various themes, including government structure, social institutions, political system attributes, democracy, elections, freedom of expression, and citizens’ societal roles. Regarding current events, teachers primarily concentrate on local, regional, and global occurrences that align with the curriculum. Furthermore, history is valued for its relevance to citizenship education, as it involves analysing diverse situations and perspectives, along with discussing fundamental concepts crucial for contemporary society.

Due to the differences in the education system, the teaching materials on Bonaire are different to those on Saba and St. Eustatius. On Bonaire, European Dutch books of history, social studies, and other subjects are used to discuss civic themes. The views are divided on whether the material used is in line with the students’ perceptions of the world. While some teachers on Bonaire feel that the teaching material is of good quality and that it fits well with the context of the students, other teachers indicate that the books are ‘incredibly coloured’. This is also reflected in the following quote from a teacher:

The Netherlands is very central in the teaching materials. And if it’s not the Netherlands, then it’s Europe. And there are also quite a lot of outdated terms and an outdated way of telling our history. So that does offer opportunities to discuss terminology and other similar things.

In addition, teachers indicate that people are not able to physically visit the political institutions in the Netherlands, which makes it difficult to explain certain (democratic) concepts. This is a challenge for connecting the teaching material to the students’ perception of the world. The schools understand that there are not always specific books for Bonaire, due to the small population. Nevertheless, teachers believe that there should be more materials with a focus on Bonaire, which can also be used in schools in the Netherlands.

Moreover, the language is experienced as a major problem in daily practice. Many students have Papiamentu, Spanish or other languages as their mother tongue, while the main language of instruction is Dutch. This is also apparent from the following quote from a teacher:

All education is in Dutch, which means that many children are lagging behind because it is not their first language. And Dutch at school is really indicated as a normal mother tongue, it is not taught as a foreign language. And that’s just a real problem. And Papiamentu is taught as a foreign language, which is of course very strange. So you see that the Papiamentu-speaking children get the best grades for that and Dutch-speaking children who fail. That’s just such a big difference.

On Saba and St. Eustatius, the textbook for Social Studies is used to deal with civic themes. In addition, internet sources are used for additional information. A teacher indicates that the social studies textbook does not scrutinise citizenship. Teachers indicate a need for more depth and expansion of knowledge and material about citizenship. The material also places a lot of focus on the Caribbean region and less on the reality of Saba and St. Eustatius. Teachers themselves must integrate the local context into the curriculum when a subject is taught. However, teachers believe that the social studies approach is broad enough to allow for the effective application of teaching materials and interpretation within one’s local context. Additionally, they note that the textbook emphasises personal themes like identity, character, values, virtues, and individual attributes, thereby maintaining a focus on the individual.

In summary, there are currently no concrete defined visions, learning objectives, or dedicated textbooks for citizenship education as a course. Additionally, there is no distinct subject within the curriculum focussed on citizenship. Attention is primarily directed towards cultural education, history, and enhancing overall education quality. Teachers note challenges in aligning materials with context due to constraints such as time, funding, and expertise for developing resources. Currently, schools in the Caribbean Netherlands are not prioritising teacher professional development in citizenship education.

Desired situation regarding citizenship education – teachers and principals

Schools show a keen interest in advancing citizenship education. Key considerations include:

Internationalisation and global citizenship;

Extracurricular activities or internships;

Structurally incorporating citizenship education within the curriculum;

More concrete citizenship programme;

Guidelines and direction for citizenship education;

Extensive themes and methods;

Further development of the islands and society.

On Bonaire, principals and teachers indicate that they want to pay more attention to internationalisation/global citizenship and student exchanges abroad. In addition, they find it important to learn more about multiculturalism due to the different backgrounds that students have. Teachers indicate that they want a more extracurricular curriculum or internships whereby young people may become more involved in society. Some teachers consider this participation important not only for the students, but also for the teachers themselves and the school management. In addition, teachers also find it important that time is structurally made available in the timetable for citizenship within each grade and level. However, they do not believe that citizenship should become a subject where students are assessed with grades or a subject with a fixed curriculum, but that there is room for various actual themes, activities, and innovation. An important aspect here is that one should not wait to take actions or organise activities within society: ‘citizenship is just doing’.

On St. Eustatius, the school sees that citizenship education offers an opportunity to develop the island, and to get to know and appreciate it better. Concerning citizenship education, there is a demand for guidance, direction, specific learning objectives, and standardised themes that teachers can adapt accordingly. Some teachers believe that citizenship should become a core subject within the school. In addition, teachers want a more extensive method and additional materials so that students can gain more knowledge and participate actively on the island.

On Saba, the school indicates that there is a demand for more guidelines or topics that can be covered for citizenship. However, emphasis is placed on the freedom of teaching: ‘I don’t want to have a method to teach, but to have a textbook to have more to hold. Where I can be critical of things myself’. Teachers find it important to receive more training or support in devising and implementing projects and involving parents. They also indicate that citizenship is often left to ‘social’ subjects and less to science or other subjects. Teachers think it should be worn more throughout the school:

I do not want to see citizenship education as compartmentalised, where it is only left upon the social science social studies teacher to teach it all, or to educate students or provide students with knowledge and skills that will help them to become participative.

Desired situation regarding citizenship education – governmental stakeholders

The stakeholders within government institutions have several interests for the further development of citizenship education. Key considerations include:

Promoting youth and cultural participation;

More institutions or professionals teaching in schools;

Further development of citizenship education;

Development of citizens on the island;

Citizenship Education Guidelines, topics or curriculum;

Support for organising and implementing the citizenship assignment within schools;

School as a democratic training ground.

On Bonaire, stakeholders want to promote citizenship through youth and cultural participation on the island in the form of projects, but also through structural initiatives as is explained through the following quote:

If they don’t forget one thing about school, let it be citizenship education. That it is a profession, down to earth, taboo breaking. That children feel treated equally, that they experience that they also have a voice, that it is really future-oriented. But also now in the present, of what can I already do to be an active citizen. I don’t have to be 30, but what can I do as a 15-year-old? And actually do that with the schools.

Moreover, public officers believe that students can experience more of the world of Bonaire in the school, but also through excursions outside the school. In addition, it is important that more institutions or professionals can give lessons within the school. On St. Eustatius, stakeholders see citizenship education as an opportunity for the development of all citizens on the island:

Our goal, our vision, our mission is to ensure that every citizen can reach their full potential, whether you are of special education or very special need or a genius, whatever you are, but as a citizen we want to ensure that you are given the passway to develop successfully and wholly.

On Saba, public officers believe that more guidelines, topics or a curriculum for citizenship education are needed. Especially because there is a limited capacity on the island of people who can pick this up. In addition, support is required with regard to organising and implementing the citizenship assignment within schools.

The Netherlands wishes that the schools develop a democratic training ground where everyone feels safe and accepted, but also where (difficult) discussions can be held. What policy officers prioritise is enabling students to embrace their uniqueness, express their viewpoints, and ensuring that teachers feel both liberated and secure in fostering this environment. Moreover, above all, policy officers want students to learn to deal with differences, while understanding and respecting them, instead of everyone having to think alike or not willing to expressing their views. In order to conduct the discussions properly, it is emphasised that the basic democratic values freedom, equality, and solidarity remain important in the classroom. In addition, the stakeholders emphasise the importance of activities outside the classroom to be socially involved, but also to come into contact with people that students do not meet in daily life. Furthermore, they want citizenship to be seen as the tool to bring about change in society. Policy officers, including representatives from the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, recognize a lack of focus on citizen education in the Caribbean Netherlands and acknowledge the need to increase their attention to its specific concerns in future policies and regulations. Respondents acknowledge that the Caribbean Netherlandsshould be more prominently addressed and integrated into the decision-making processes.

In sum, the results show that schools in the Caribbean Netherlands want to pay more attention to citizenship education in the future. However, there is a need for clear direction and topics that teachers can adapt accordingly within their current context. Stakeholders aspire for citizenship education to contribute further to the development of the islands, fostering increased engagement and growth among citizens. Additionally, they emphasise its role in facilitating discussions on crucial societal issues, enabling students to develop critical thinking skills and actively contribute to problem-solving initiatives.

Discussion

This research aimed to explore what citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands currently entails and what, according to the stakeholders involved, would be its ideal interpretation. Interviews with 17 key stakeholders of Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba, and with policymakers in the European Netherlands were held to collect data.

Conceptualisations of citizenship and citizenship education

The results show that the respondents use different definitions for citizenship and citizenship education. This aligns with the theoretical insights of Goren and Yemini (2017), in which citizenship is defined as a catch-all term. Respondents mainly linked the interpretation of citizenship and citizenship education to the political knowledge and roles of citizens within their society for the development of society. Using the four components of Nieuwelink et al. (2016), we found that respondents mainly associate citizenship with democratic and social components, domains and normativities. In addition, some respondents see citizenship in the Caribbean Netherlands more as a cultural construct. In Bonaire, citizenship was linked to social awareness, critical thinking and making an active contribution. On St. Eustatius, citizenship was seen as a form of personal development and a tool for the development of the island. On Saba, more emphasis was placed on the competencies that citizens develop to be a good citizen on the island. Finally, citizenship in the Netherlands was mainly defined on the basis of the core values of freedom, equality, and solidarity.

A striking finding is that respondents do not immediately associate citizenship and citizenship education with the relationship with the Netherlands. Given the cultural diversity on the islands, but also the political relationship, it was expected that there would be more recognition for the different cultures, social, linguistic backgrounds and social cohesion and that these cultural circumstances would also have more influence on the meaning of citizenship and the operationalisation of citizenship education. Because of the current construction of Caribbean societies, it was expected that citizenship would have been more defined from a ‘nationness’ perspective based on Van der Pijl and Guadeloupe (2015). Participants did not often call for citizenship education that questions power relations or tensions between Dutch institutional norms and Caribbean cultural identities (following Osler and Starkey, 2015). The respondents did express however some challenges in a being Dutch citizen. The Netherlands and the Dutch language have a very prominent role in political and educational spheres. These are challenges that go beyond the borders of the classrooms but have direct impact on students.

As we have seen for example on Bonaire with Dutch being the official instruction language in schools, or textbooks that are written from a Dutch European context, while most students have a multicultural background with little relation to Dutch European context or language. On this basis, it is argued that cosmopolitan (Osler and Starkey, 2015) and multicultural citizenship (Banks, 2001) can offer added value to further explore and understand the local context, cultures and experiences in the context of citizenship (Andreotti, 2006; Banks, 2001). This will also add a deeper understanding to students of existing power relations and empower them to critically assess their positions, roles, and rights as citizens. The current focus of schools and governmental institutions is more on traditional citizenship within the island itself, where the development of the individual is central so that they can integrate and contribute to society on the island.

The study’s findings echo postcolonial critiques by Said (1978), Bhabha (1994), and Fanon (1961), which show how colonial frameworks continue to shape the meanings of citizenship and education in former colonies. The Caribbean Netherlands experience what Fanon described as the internalisation of colonial hierarchies and Bhabha’s notion of the ‘mimic man’; students and educators expected to align with Dutch civic norms, while being culturally and geographically Othered. These dynamics underscore the urgency for a decolonial approach to citizenship education that affirms Caribbean identities and disrupts Eurocentric pedagogies.

Current implementation of citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands and how it is envisioned by the stakeholders

Citizenship education on all three islands does not yet have a coherent or structural form within the curriculum. For many respondents, the term ‘citizenship’ was also experienced as new, so it is not a priority, or the focus within the current curriculum. Currently, the focus lies more on developing social knowledge within the subjects of history or social studies. The most covered themes correspond to the cosmopolitan model of Oxley and Morris (2013) which cover politics, morality, economics and culture and distinguishes and analyses features of socio-political organisations. Themes from the advocacy model such as critical citizenship, spirituality, and climate change are much less prominent in schools. However, the theory shows that themes from the advocacy model are also important for students’ development (Oxley and Morris, 2013). Students are challenged to make connections between their worlds and larger social issues. This requires a critical view, and more of an action-based approach in the curriculum (Goren and Yemini, 2017). In addition, the use of a critical approach offers opportunities to further explore and understand the complexities of human identity, local contexts, cultures, and experiences in the context of citizenship (Andreotti, 2010). This lack of curriculum differentiation for the Caribbean Netherlands illustrates what Andreotti (2006) and Spivak (1988) warn against: a universalising model of education that silences subaltern voices and reinforces dominant knowledge systems. This highlights the importance of locally grounded citizenship education that fosters critical consciousness, as advocated by Freire (1970), and allows students to engage not merely as subjects of the Dutch state but as empowered, situated Caribbean citizens.

There is also no specific citizenship teaching textbook whereby teaching materials from other subjects are used to discuss social themes. Teachers indicate that not all material fits the context due to the focus on the Netherlands and not on their own island. However, it is also difficult to develop their own school materials due to a lack of time, funds or expertise. This requires a more creative attitude from the schools to come up with assignments to integrate citizenship into the school.

A central challenge is that the teaching objectives are adopted from the Dutch central government and then adapted to a curriculum that incorporates the local context of the islands. As such, the statutory core objectives are mainly formulated in the Netherlands and not specified for the BES–islands. This means that core objectives are mainly Dutch or Eurocentric. This is also in line with the research of Andreotti (2010) which argues that the standards of education are mainly set by the West. However, respondents do indicate that the core objectives can also be applied in practice on the islands due to their generality, but that further specification is still necessary so that they fit better with the local context.

The results have shown that schools want to pay more attention to citizenship education in the future. However, there is a need for clear direction and topics that teachers can adapt accordingly within their current context. Finally, stakeholders aspire for citizenship education to play a pivotal role in the advancement of the islands, fostering increased civic engagement and development among citizens. They also aim for it to facilitate discussions on crucial societal issues, enabling students to develop critical thinking skills and actively contribute to addressing diverse challenges.

When schools develop a vision for citizenship and translate it into learning objectives, educational content, and an approach to shape them in education, it is important to implement the components mentioned by Nieuwelink et al. (2016). This is certainly the case where schools have a great deal of freedom to define citizenship education and the goals and contents they use. On this basis, schools can implement a more concrete, coherent curriculum for citizenship education.

Conclusion

Our study reveals that citizenship education in the Caribbean Netherlands currently lacks a shared vision and concrete learning objectives. Schools operate without a unified framework, limiting their ability to align curriculum with students’ lived realities and experienced identities. Participants emphasised the importance of connecting civic learning to local identity and multilingual contexts. However, existing materials, particularly in Bonaire, remain heavily Dutch- and Eurocentric, raising concerns about cultural relevance and representational fairness (Mijts, 2013; Pijl and Guadeloupe, 2015).

Our findings highlight the need for a more context-sensitive approach rooted in critical and postcolonial models of citizenship education. Approaches drawing on Andreotti’s (2006, 2010) framework of critical global citizenship education and Osler and Starkey’s (2015) model of cosmopolitan citizenship emphasise historical awareness, plurality, and critical reflection on global inequality and power. These frameworks are especially pertinent in the Caribbean Netherlands, where European educational mandates intersect with Caribbean postcolonial realities (Bhabha, 1994; Fanon, 1961).

As special municipalities of the Netherlands, Bonaire, St. Eustatius, and Saba are legally part of the Dutch state but culturally and geographically outside continental Europe. This configuration complicates the transmission of Dutch civic values, revealing how processes of Europeanisation in education may unintentionally reproduce colonial hierarchies and epistemic exclusions (Said, 1978; Spivak, 1988). These findings suggest that even as European institutions promote democratic ideals, their curricular extensions into postcolonial peripheries may not always align with the lived experiences and civic imaginaries of local communities (Andreotti, 2010; Banks, 2001).

The Caribbean Netherlands thus serves as a unique lens for reflecting on how European civic frameworks operate beyond the continent and how citizenship is negotiated in transnational, non-sovereign contexts (Bonilla, 2013; Kruijt and De Jong, 2005). This case reveals the need to rethink European citizenship education not as a one-size-fits-all construct but as a plural, contested field shaped by intersecting histories of colonialism, migration, and resistance.

Future research could extend this reflection by comparing the Caribbean Netherlands with other European outermost regions and postcolonial contexts, such as the French, Spanish or Portuguese overseas departments and ex-colonies or former British territories in the Caribbean. Such comparative work could deepen our understanding of how Europeanisation in education unfolds in diverse geographies, offering a more nuanced, transnational perspective on civic identity, inclusion, and civic education (Goren and Yemini, 2017; Oxley and Morris, 2013). Engaging with these tensions allows researchers, practitioners and policymakers alike to reconceive citizenship education as not merely the transmission of democratic values, but as a dialogical and situated practice that fosters agency and belonging in unequal, plural societies (Freire, 1970; Osler and Starkey, 2015).

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Joana Duarte

Author biographies

Nerija Pang-Montroos is a policy officer and advisor within the educational field. Her areas of expertise include public administration,governance,global challenges,education research and Dutch Caribbean education.

Joana Duarte is a professor of educational sciences at the department of Teacher Education of the Faculty of Behavioural and Social Sciences,University of Groningen. Her research areas are on the development of teachers’ attitudes,knowledge,and skills towards inclusive education,equity in education,global citizenship education and multilingualism.

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