Abstract
Introduction
Sexual violence refers to any sexual act or attempts to obtain a sexual act, or unwanted sexual comments or acts to traffic, that are directed against a person’s sexuality using coercion by anyone, regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting, including at home and work (Sexual Violence Research Initiative, n.d.). In simpler terms, sexual violence is defined as “Any sexual activity that is forced or nonconsensual employing psychological coercion or physical abuse” (SafeConnections, n.d.). The term “sexual violence” is an umbrella term that includes but is not limited to nonconsensual sexual activity such as Sexual Harassment, Child sexual abuse, and Sexual Assault (
In past years and research, not enough has been done to explore a wide enough range of complexities as men have been strictly conceptualized as the perpetrators and women, the victims of sexual violence (Javaid, 2015).
Male rape myths, which are prejudiced, stereotypical, and false beliefs and concepts contribute to keeping male rape hidden and undiscussed. Some of these myths include Men cannot be raped; only gay men can be victims or offenders of male rape; “Real” men should be able to protect themselves from rape; male rape only exists in prisons; and if the victim biologically responds to sexual arousal during rape, he must have wanted it. These myths are an effect of the way we are socialized to view men, sex, and masculinity (Javaid, 2015).
Other contributing factors to the absence of or insufficient conversations about male victimization are the fear of being blamed or not being taken seriously and the stigma that male victims of sexual violence experience (Hlavka, 2017).
There is relatively less research and literature about male victims of sexual violence in comparison to the research, statistics, and studies done about female victims. This is not an indicator of its inexistence but a reminder of the under-investigated status that makes it now appear as an emerging social problem (Graham, 2006).
In Nigeria, the laws regarding sexual violence and assault as highlighted in the criminal (article 357) and penal (article 282) have overtime proved to be insufficient as they defined rape as nonconsensual vaginal penetration, limiting it to only female victims (Akpoghome, 2016). The Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act of 2015, however, expanded the definition to capture the intentional penetration of an individual vaginally, orally, or anally without their consent or with consent obtained by intimidation, false appearances, use of under the influence of psychoactive substances. This allows men to be recognized as potential victims (Akpoghome, 2016).
One concern that has been raised, however, is that so many conceptualizations of male assault, including the VAPP act, do not consider a scenario in which the man may be forced to penetrate someone else against his will. This may exclude potential victims from seeking help (Forsman, 2017).
A study found that a quarter of men (24.8% ≅ 27.6 million) within the United States experienced a form of sexual violence in their lifetime. One in fourteen men (7.1% ≅ 7.9 million) in the United States was coerced to penetrate someone (partially or completely) in his lifetime. About 2.6% of U.S. men (an estimated 2.8 million) had been victims of attempted or completed rape in their lifetime. One in 10 men revealed they had been coerced (worn down or pressured by someone repeatedly asking for sex) in their lifetime, and almost one-fifth of the men in the United States reported they had been subjected to unwanted sexual contact (e.g., groping) at some point in their lives (Smith et al., 2015).
In Haiti, Kenya, and Cambodia, respectively 1459, 1456, and 1255 males (aged 13–24) completed surveys. The surveys revealed the prevalence of experiencing any form of sexual violence was 23.1% (Haiti), 14.8% (Kenya), and 5.6% (Cambodia). The previously indicated study further revealed that the larger percentages of perpetrators were known by the victims and were relatives, neighbors, intimate partners, and friends (Sumner et al., 2016).
A study among males aged 13 to 24 in Nigeria, Malawi, Uganda, and Zambia revealed, respectively, 31.2%, 47.8%, 40.6%, and 32.5% of the respondents had experienced sexual violence as children. The authors of the study reported a link between the number of childhood violence experienced and the odds of perpetrating violence (Swedo et al., 2019). One in 10 males in Nigeria reported having experienced sexual abuse in childhood with a third of them experiencing it before the age of 13 (National Population Commission of Nigeria et al., n.d.).
The effects of sexual violence against males are many. Child sexual abuse victimization increases one’s odds of violence in adulthood (physical or sexual), and people who have been victimized are more likely to go on to be perpetrators of said violence. This highlights the need for a long-term, holistic intervention mechanism to break the cycle (Peltzer & Pengpid, 2016; Swedo et al., 2019). Male victims of sexual violence are more likely to come down with mental health challenges down the line including post-traumatic stress disorder, insomnia, body image perception issues, personality disorder, low self-esteem, anxiety disorders, depression, and suicide, than non-victims of violence (Haile et al., 2013; National Population Commission of Nigeria et al., n.d.; Valente, 2005).
Some studies have suggested there is a link between victimization of men and their predisposition to social vices such as drug use and abuse, poor academic performance, aggression, risky sexual behavior, promiscuity, indifference/acceptability towards violence against women (Manyike et al., 2015; Moore et al., 2012; National Population Commission of Nigeria et al., n.d.).
The goal of this study was to assess knowledge of male sexual violence, attitudes toward male victims, the prevalence of male sexual violence, and the patterns of these experiences among a sample of male undergraduate students.
Materials and Methods
Study Design
This was a descriptive cross-sectional study.
The study population consisted of registered male students at a tertiary institution in Lagos Nigeria, we excluded anyone under the age of 18.
Sample Size Determination and Sampling Technique
The Cochran formula for sample size calculation in cross-sectional studies was used (Cochran, 1977):
Where,
Therefore
For this study, a sample size of 400 was used.
A multistage probability sampling technique was used to select the respondents from the study population to allow students from different schools/faculties to be represented. The process involved the selection of schools/faculties within the institution, using simple random sampling. Selection of departments and levels of study within selected faculties and selection of students in the selected levels of study were also done using simple random sampling.
Data Collection Tool
Data were collected using a semi-structured questionnaire comprising of 48 close-ended questions and 1 open-ended question. The questionnaire was developed from previously validated tools used in related studies to ensure relevance and comparability (Allroggen et al., n.d.; Haile et al., 2013; Johnson et al., 2017; Sutherland et al., 2014; van der Kooij et al., 2019; Ward, 1988).
The instrument was reviewed by subject matter experts in reproductive health studies to establish face validity. A pre-test was conducted among a group of 30 male undergraduates in a nearby tertiary institution (not included in the final analysis) to evaluate the clarity and appropriateness of the questionnaire. Based on the pre-test results, minor revisions were made.
Ethical Consideration
Ethical approval was obtained from the Health Research and Ethics Committee of Lagos University Teaching Hospital, and the Ethical Approval number ADM/DCST/HREC/APP/4816 was assigned to the research work on January 18, 2022. Verbal informed consent was obtained from each respondent before administering the questionnaire. The participants were assured of confidentiality, as their names were not required for this study.
This study required some participants to revisit past experiences which may have been traumatizing for them. Understanding this possibility, we included hotlines and resources for help for anyone who decided they would need it in the questionnaire.
Data Analysis
Data collected were checked manually for corrections and completion after collection and thereafter coded for data entry. Of the 400 questionnaires collected, 387 were found to be valid and well-filled (96.75%). Statistical analysis was carried out using IBM Statistical Package for Social Sciences (IBM-SPSS) Version 26. Data were represented using frequency tables and charts. Chi-Square test was used to test for association between categorical variables, where applicable, and level of statistical significance was set at 5% (
Scoring Method
In the second section of the questionnaire, eight questions were used to assess the respondents’ knowledge of sexual violence. For every correct answer, the candidates were scored 1 and for every wrong answer, 0. A question with four correct answers was set as a “multiple responses allowed” question. For that question, 1 point was awarded for every correct answer bringing the achievable score to 11. One point was automatically added across board to make the maximum achievable point an even number – 12 and the minimum achievable point 1. Total scores below 6 were coded as
The third section of the questionnaire, which was set to assess the respondents’ attitude toward sexual violence, had six questions with answers – strongly disagree, disagree, neutral, agree, and strongly agree. This was scored using a Likert scale, which ranked the
Results
Sample Socio-Demographic Characteristics
The majority of the respondents (169 ≅ 43.7%) fell between the ages of 21 and 25. The mean age of the participants was 22.71 with a standard deviation of 4.10. Most respondents (346 ≅ 89.4%) were single, and 289(74.7%) had lived in a two-parent household for most of their lives (Table 1).
Table Showing Socio-Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
Knowledge of Sexual Violence
Three hundred and two (78%) of the respondents had heard about the term “sexual violence.” Of the 302 who had heard of the term, most (233 ≅ 77.2%) of the respondents mentioned social media was one of the sources they had heard of it from, 295 (97.7%) could recognize the definition of sexual violence when written out. On further assessment of the types of sexual violence known to the respondents who had heard of the term, 243(80.5%) knew of Child Sexual Abuse, 247(81.8%) had heard of sexual harassment, 252(83.4%) and 279(92.4%) were aware of sexual assault and rape respectively, 1(0.3%) was aware of forms of sexual violence not listed in the questionnaire and 2(0.7%) were unaware of any forms of sexual violence.
Most (220 ≈ 72.8%) of the 302 respondents who were assessed on their knowledge believed sexual violence is always associated with brute physical force, 232(76.8%) believed women and girls weren’t the only victims of sexual violence, and 214(70.9) particularly believed boys could be victims of sexual violence. When asked if males could only be sexually violated by other males, 159(52.6%) answered “no” which meant they believed there could be female perpetrators. Of these 302 respondents being assessed for their knowledge, 193(63.9%) believed young boys aren’t the only male victims of sexual violence, and 195(64.6%) believed males in Nigeria experienced sexual violence.
Based on the scoring system used to assess the responses to the questions assessing their knowledge base, it was deduced that 226(74.8%) of the respondents had good knowledge about sexual violence.
Respondent’s Attitude Towards Male Sexual Violence
For the statements used to assess attitude about male sexual violence of the 387 respondents, 325(84%) of the respondents disagreed with the statement that “males who claimed to have been assaulted are lying”. When asked if sexually abused boys were not as strong as they should be, 325(84%) disagreed, 42(10.9%) were neutral, and 20(5.2%) agreed. For the statement stating that males were always willing to have sexual relations and could not be raped, 323(83.5%)
Prevalence of Sexual Violence
Childhood Sexual Abuse
Fifty-one (51 ≅ 13.2%) of the respondents had experienced at least one form of child sexual abuse in their lifetime. The most common forms of abuse experienced were being made to look at pornographic material or having their bodies and genitals fondled – 36 (9.3%) respondents reported they had experienced these. The least common form of abuse was having pictures or videos of their nudity captured – 16 (4.1%) of the respondents said they had experienced this. (Table 2)
Table Showing Types of Sexual Abuse Experienced by Respondents in their Childhood (before 18 years)
Of the 51 respondents who had been victims of child sexual abuse, 9 (17.6%) of them recalled experiencing whatever variations of abuse they had experienced on 1 occasion while 8 (15.7%) could recall more than 10 different occasions. Many (15 ≅ 29.4%) had experienced child sexual abuse before they reached the age of 10. Eighteen (18 ≅ 35.3%) of them reported that the perpetrators were male, 28 (54.9%) reported their perpetrators were female, and 5 (9.8%) had been victimized by both males and females. Most of the perpetrators were family members – 19(37.3%) had reported having that as part of their experiences.
Thirty-three (64.7%) said they never disclosed the details of their abuse. Most (11≅33.3%) of the 33 said they didn’t because they were worried about how people were going to react. Of the 18 respondents who disclosed the details of their abuse, most (9≅50%) of them reported to their parents and guardians. Following disclosure, 6 (33.3%) said they received help from the people they reported to.
Sexual Harassment
Sixty-one (15.8%) of the respondents reported they had experienced one form of sexual harassment or the other in their adult lifetime. The most common form of harassment was constant/lingering sexual stares after they had asked that the perpetrator stop (49 ≅ 12.7%). The least common form of harassment, which was experienced by 14(3.6%) of the respondents, was having photos or videotapes of them when they were undressing, nude, or having sex, captured and/or shared without their consent. (Table 3)
Table Showing Types of Sexual Harassment Experienced by Respondents in Adulthood
Of the 61 respondents who had experienced sexual harassment, 17 (27.9%) of them had experienced whatever variations of harassment they had experienced on 1 occasion and 2 (3.3%) could recall more than 10 occasions. 18 (29.5%) of them had been sexually harassed in 1 way or the other in the past 12 months. In most (28 ≅ 45.9%) cases, the perpetrator was male. Most of the perpetrators were friends with 25 (41%) reporting they had been harassed by friends.
Thirty-nine (39 ≅ 63.9%) said they never disclosed the details of their experiences. Of the 39, most (14 ≅ 35.9%) of them said they didn’t do so because they didn’t think it was worth reporting. Of the 22 who disclosed their experiences, most (12 ≅ 54.5%) spoke to parents/guardians or friends most of the time (10 ≅ 45.5%), nothing changed after disclosure.
Sexual Assault
Thirty-eight (38 ≅ 9.8%) of the respondents reported having experienced one or more forms of sexual assault in their lifetime. The most common form of assault experienced by the respondents was unwelcome sexual contact (36 ≅ 9.3%). (Table 4)
Table Showing Types of Sexual Assault Experienced by Respondents in Adulthood
While 7 (18.4%) of the respondents who had experienced assault could not recall the number of occurrences, 10 (26.3%) could recall just 1 and 2 (5.3) could recall more than 10. The year prevalence was 39.5% (15 respondents). The perpetrators were male (18 ≅ 47.4%), female (13 ≅ 34.2%) and sometimes, both (7 ≅ 18.4%). Most times (16 ≅ 42.1%), they were friends. Fifteen (15 ≅ 39.5%) said they disclosed their experiences.
Most (7 ≅ 46.7%) of the times they disclosed their experiences, nothing was done about it. Parents were informed 66.7% (10) of the time. Among those who didn’t disclose their experiences, the most common reason was that the person (the perpetrator) asked that they not disclose (7 ≅ 30.4%).
Some variables were cross-tabulated to determine any statistically significant correlations. A chi-square test was used, and the
There was no statistically significant association found between the respondents’ knowledge about sexual violence and their sociodemographic characteristics, that is, Age (X2 = 5.631,
There was a statistically significant correlation found between the respondents’ ages and their attitudes about sexual violence (X2 = 13.976,
There was a statistically significant association between the respondent’s exposure to child sexual abuse and their exposure to sexual violence in adulthood. Respondents who had been victims of child sexual abuse were more likely to experience sexual harassment (X2 = 152.685,
Discussion
This current study found that 78% of the respondents were aware of the term sexual violence. The most common source of information reported by these respondents was social media. Our assumption is that the low age range of our respondents coupled with a rise in social media-based sexuality education is a contributing factor (Döring, 2021). Approximately 77.2% of them had heard of sexual violence via social media. This differs from a study done in Germany where their most valued source of information was the press and a study in Sokoto where their most valued source of information was television (Oche et al., 2020; Osuna-Rodríguez et al., 2020). This can be attributed to the differences between the sociodemographic, geographic, and cultural standings of the populations studied. In this study, respondents were asked if they believed women and girls to be the only victims of violence and 76.8% said no. Many respondents (70.9%) stated that boys could be victims of sexual violence. When asked if they thought young boys were the only male victims of violence, 63.9% said no. We thought it important to make these distinctions to understand if they viewed sexual violation through a gendered and age restrictive lens. The percentage of men who believed male victims existed is slightly lower than the study done in Clermont where 88% of the respondents perceived men as victims of gender-based violence (Msomi, 2011). This can be attributed to differences between the study groups like prior access to information regarding sexual violence.
With 74.8% of the respondents aware of sexual violence having their knowledge scored as “good,” the average level of knowledge among the respondents was good. This is like a study carried out in Sweden where the study population had their knowledge scores in the top thirds (Svensson et al., 2019). It is also like a study in Sokoto, Nigeria where majority (96%) of the respondents were found to have good knowledge of sexual violence (Oche et al., 2020).
Majority (98%) of the respondents were found to have overall positive attitudes toward male sexual violence. This is similar to a study among Swedish adolescents where the composite scores for the statements assessing supportive attitudes for rape, sexual harassment, and sexual crimes were all found in the lower range for the possible scores indicating their population had low supportive attitudes for these themes (Svensson et al., 2019).
This study found that of our 387 respondents, approximately 13.2% had experienced at least one form of child sexual abuse. A similar study done in Cambodia, Haiti, and Kenya, found the percentages of the respondents in these countries who had experienced any form of child sexual abuse were 5.6%, 23.1%, and 14.6%, respectively (Sumner et al., 2016). The findings in Kenya were similar and the differences from the studies done in Cambodia and Haiti could be attributed to differing cultural and social factors in those places which are on different continents than Kenya and Lagos, Nigeria where ours was done. Our findings differed when compared to a study done among adolescents in Suriname, South America (van der Kooij et al., 2019) where 22.3% of their respondents had experienced child sexual abuse.
The most common form of child sexual abuse experienced by the respondents in this study was being fondled and being made to view pornographic material. This was similar to the studies conducted in Port-Harcourt, Southwestern Nigeria, and Suriname (David et al., 2018; Okagua & Alex-Hart, 2020; van der Kooij et al., 2019). Most of the respondents in this study reported having multiple experiences which differed from the studies in Port-Harcourt and South-western Nigeria. The study done in Port-Harcourt also had some respondents who were still being abused while their study was ongoing (Okagua & Alex-Hart, 2020).
Among the respondents who had been victims of abuse most of them knew the abusers, and 37.3% of them reported the abusers were family members. This is similar to the findings in a study done in Port-Harcourt (Okagua & Alex-Hart, 2020). It is slightly similar to the studies in Kenya, Haiti, and Cambodia because while most of the perpetrators were known by the victims and most of them were friends, acquaintances, and neighbors, not family members (Sumner et al., 2016).
Most of the respondents disclosed these events to their parents and most of them received help after they did. This mirrors the pattern observed in the community-based study in Southwestern Nigeria (David et al., 2018).
In this study, approximately 16% of the respondents disclosed experiencing on form of harassment or the other in their lifetime. This is lower than a nationwide study done among veterans in the United States (42%) but higher than a nationwide study among the general population (5.8%; Smith et al., 2015; Street et al., 2007). The difference with these studies can be attributed to the difference in forms of sexual harassment assessed and the population dynamics. The first study examined a longer list of harassment forms among thousands of veterans only. Having been exposed to similar work environments increases the likelihood of similar experiences. The second study assessed only stalking as a form of harassment. The results may have been higher if otherwise. Like in the study among the veterans (Street et al., 2007), most of the respondents in this study identified their perpetrators as male. Most of the perpetrators were also known to the victims, consistent with findings in an Addis Ababa-based study (Haile et al., 2013).
Approximately 9.8% of the respondents had experienced one form of sexual assault in their adult lifetime (i.e., since they passed the age 18). This is lower than a U.S. study that had 24.8% of their respondents experiencing one form of sexual assault or the other in their lifetime (Smith et al., 2015). The difference from the U.S. study can be attributed to the fact that it was a nationwide study that had a larger sample population, and it didn’t separate the assault into the forms of assault encountered in childhood and those encountered in adulthood. A study among tertiary institution students in Ibadan had nearly similar findings to our study. The number of respondents who experienced assault as adults came to 15% (Adeleke et al., 2016).
The most common form of assault experienced was non-consensual sexual contact which we had described in the questionnaire as “kissing, touching someone’s breast, chest, crotch, groin or buttocks, grabbing, groping or rubbing against the other in a sexual way, even if the touching is over the other’s clothes.” This finding was like a nationwide U.S. study, a study among college-aged students in the United States (Smith et al., 2015; Sutherland et al., 2014).
Among the respondents who had been assaulted, 39.5% disclosed the details of their experiences. Most of the respondents who disclosed said they told their parents about it, but nothing changed after the fact. This differs in comparison to an Addis Ababa study where 47.5% disclosed details of their experience(s). Most of whom did so to their friends (Haile et al., 2013). Some of the factors affecting disclosure and appropriate actions after disclosure could be linked to acceptance of male rape myths and social attitude toward victims (Reitz-Krueger et al., 2017; Rumney, 2014).
In this study, more respondents (60.5%) didn’t disclose the events of their assault when compared to those who did. The top three reasons included being asked by the perpetrator to not disclose, the fear of not being believed and not knowing at all if there was anything worth reporting. An Addis Ababa-based study found more of the victims kept their assault(s) a secret. The reasons stated included not knowing what to do, fear of their assaulters, and fear of stigma (Haile et al., 2013). The study done in Clermont, South Africa, showed that all (100%) of their respondents kept their victimization to themselves stating among their popular reasons their beliefs that as men, they should be able to handle, protect, and not get pushed around by women. The respondents in that study also admitted to not disclosing the details of the abuse being meted out to other men they knew mainly because the victims asked they not tell anyone and for some part, because they wanted to spare both the victims and their families the embarrassment (Msomi, 2011). Some of the reasons outlined show there’s some belief that victimization is a thing to be ashamed of (the shame being the victim’s to bear), reinforce stereotypes demanding that men be “strong” and “in control,” and remind us of the inadequate understanding of the existence and appearances of male sexual victimization even to those experiencing it (Davies & Rogers, 2006; Davies et al., 2012; McLean, 2013).
In this study, age, religion, and lifetime exposure to sexual violence didn’t seem to have any significant effect on the knowledge of the respondents. Previous studies have shown age and gender to be determinants of knowledge level regarding sexual violence (Svensson et al., 2019). Gender, however, wasn’t an existing discrepancy tool in this study as all the respondents were male. For attitude, while religion and lifetime exposure to sexual violence seemed to have no bearings, age did. The respondents below the age of 20, all had positive attitudes regarding sexual violence. The assumption is that younger people have access to a wide range of information sources (social media, web articles, podcasts, etc.) which are instrumental in shaping their views positively.
Childhood exposure to sexual violence (child sexual abuse) was found to influence exposure to sexual violence in adulthood in this study. Respondents who had experienced one form of child sexual abuse or the other were more likely to have experienced one form of adult sexual violence or the other (harassment and/or assault). This is consistent with findings across multiple research and survey materials that have suggested adult revictimization as a possible after-effect of child sexual abuse (Cashmore & Shackel, 2013; Office for National Statistics, n.d.; Papalia et al., 2021; Stathopoulos, 2014; Walsh et al., 2007).
Limitations
In the existing research, the presence of varying definitions and acknowledged forms of sexual violence made it harder to compare findings.
This study required participants to be honest about past events they may have been unwilling to admit to having, even under the cover of anonymity. The pervasive culture of shame, stigma, and silence that surrounds sexual violence and its victims could have played into the responses given by some participants.
Relying on individuals recalling past experiences as we did in this study was another limitation. Personal recollection can be subject to memory biases and inaccuracies and victims of sexual violence may have had a hard time recalling events accurately.
Recommendations
Addressing sexual violence and the culture around it requires a multi-systemic approach. More media companies and advertising agencies should spearhead up to date campaigns about sexual violence on social media, television, radio, and print media.
More parents and learning institutions should take up sexuality education in a way that informs younger children of their body parts and equips them to speak up and report when they are being abused in any way, shape, or form. Sexuality education should be integrated into school curriculums in a way that informs children and generations to come about sexual violence, the importance of consent, what consent is or isn’t, and who can or cannot give consent.
Caregivers should be enlightened on the gravity of sexual violence and the need to act fast if their wards come to them to report any violations. It is not an issue to be swept under rugs or handled in-house. They should be reported to the appropriate authorities for investigation.
There should be protocols in schools and other private or public institutions to document and forward any cases brought to them to appropriate bodies/authorities. Reported incidences should be taken up and handled swiftly by law enforcement agencies. Investigations should be carried out and perpetrators should face the prescribed punishments.
Finally, help (including medical, physical, and psychological) should be offered to victims of violence to help them recover and reduce their risk of re-victimization.
For future research, we recommend that future studies on male sexual victimization should explore and compare patterns in culturally diverse settings.
Conclusion
The respondents had overall good knowledge and attitudes regarding male sexual violence. Many of them knew what sexual violence was and understood that males could be victims of it. Thirteen percent (13%) of the respondents had experienced child sexual abuse. The most common form was exposure to pornographic materials. The most common perpetrators were females and family members. Sixteen percent (16%) had experienced sexual harassment. The most common form was constant sexual stares even after they had asked it to stop. The most common perpetrators were friends and were male. Ten percent (10%) had experienced sexual assault. The most common form experienced was non-consensual sexual contact, that is, fondling. The majority of the perpetrators were males and were friends.
Disclosure of experienced violence wasn’t a common occurrence. The most common reasons for non-disclosure were fear of how people would react, not knowing if there was anything to report and being asked to tell no one for child sexual abuse, sexual harassment, and sexual assault, respectively.
