Abstract
Keywords
How one writes shapes what one says: (Eisner, 1997)
Eisner (1997) made a case for using alternative forms of written representation to share knowledge with others. Multiple perspectives are represented throughout this article, as it is written in two rhetorical structures, the expository narrative and the readers theatre, each with its own purpose. Given our exploration of two rhetorical structures to create a performative text, this paper is a contribution to the research literature as an example of how to play with genres so that everyone's voice is heard (Richardson, 1997). Throughout a graduate course, as five students and one professor and as the co-authors of this article, we reflect on becoming ethnographers as a negotiated lived experience (van Manen, 1997). First, we share how the readers theatre evolved and how such a rhetorical form encouraged a democratic, collaborative writing process that depended upon weaving together our multiple voices and perspectives. Second, we present the readers theatre in its original form to speak for itself about our journey. The professor adopted the narrator's voice in our readers theatre to accentuate her students' voices by muting her own. In the conclusion of the expository narrative, she contributed her thoughts on the course and the collaborative writing experience from her perspective as an ethnographer and a teacher of graduate students.
Evolution of Our Readers Theatre
How We Began
Early in the semester, to get everyone into a research stance, the instructor of our ethnographic research course planned a fieldtrip to a local area of town where we might find ourselves outsiders. The task required that we step into a new context and put ourselves into an investigative situation in which we had to quickly use our eyes and ears as the primary tools of data-collection. We then had to step back, think, and write about what we had found. This trip was food for thought for many weeks to come as reflections in our journals, class discussions, and rough data analysis with the use of participant observation jottings, expanded field notes, photos, and literacy artefacts. This experiential learning was essential to understand not only the research process, but also interpretations and theory building.
In the context of this ethnographic research course, we submitted a proposal to present our experience at the Canadian Society for the Study of Education (CSSE) conference. To be able to write about researching ourselves and using course reflection
After we developed our collaborative writing roles and processes, we entered the next phase of negotiating a common understanding of what our journey meant to us. Our data collection included reflective journal synthesis papers based on class discussions, readings, and explorations of culture in public spaces. Our professor removed names and identifying features from all written texts (journals and synthesis papers) to ensure anonymity and distribute ownership of the ideas. We collectively applied grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) as we read these texts, and as we individually read and reread these texts until we agreed on common codes. Next, we coded the data and transferred the codes onto large chart paper that became a “commonplace text” (Sumara, 2002, p. 96) that became thicker with side notes and verbal discussions. In other words, we negotiated our meaning of the phenomenon of becoming ethnographers through grounded theory as a methodological process. The coding process was recursive and iterative, and we eventually collapsed the codes into themes.
Collaborative Writing Process
Writing a collective paper is a challenge. When we analyzed these written texts, we discovered different writing styles and different constructs about ethnography. Negotiation was key. The experience of reading each others' papers was akin to entering spaces of difference—in writing styles, interpretations, and philosophical stances towards phenomena that we studied throughout the course. The process of methodically reading and rereading, identifying codes, and eventually negotiating themes smoothed the edges of difference into voices that overlapped and worked together. This process wove together written and verbal thoughts; it was essential to our success as collaborative writers.
Readers Theatre as a Creative Process
We define readers theatre as “a form of oral interpretation in which all types of literature may be projected by means of characterized readings” (Akin, 1962; as cited in Coger & White, 1973, p. 4). The picture book
Jenny, the main character in the picture book, who repeatedly returns to the wise woman for answers to her life questions, realizes that there are no definitive answers to her questions. This coalescence of the theme of our experience and the picture book prompted us to construct our collaborative composition as a readers theatre and to select key quotations from the story to become the narration that framed the beginning, middle, and end of it. We reread the quotations written under the themes in our data-analysis chart and created characters as reader parts for the readers theatre. However, we discovered that we had to act as bricoleurs (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 4) and weave parts of each of our quotations into the characters' voices. We realized that the only way to capture our collective intention that underpinned each theme and to fairly interpret the narrative intent of the literary text was to write “a pieced together set of representations that [was] fitted to the specifics of a complex situation” (Denzin & Lincoln, 2005, p. 4). There, the text became a
Journeys in Ethnography Readers Theatre
Presented at CSSE 2008 in Vancouver, British Columbia, by Dr. Heather Blair, Jacqueline Filipek, Meridith Lovell, Marlene McKay, Rhonda Nixon, and Miao Sun from the University of Alberta. Please note that all sections presented in italics comprise extended text from the storybook (Merriam, 1991).
Opening: Journeys/What Is Ethnography?
Narrator:
R1: I have no idea right now about where to begin. I feel like I should have my question and my purpose figured out, but I am living in a sea of uncertainty at the moment. I trust that my advisor is right about this course as the starting point for my doctoral work.
R2: This first week of class readings has provoked some deeper thinking about becoming an ethnographer. Something our professor said in our first class struck me. She told us that “ethnography is one approach or qualitative research method focused on learning social and cultural life of communities, institutions, and other settings.”
R5: I found that reading LeCompte and Schensul (1999) really helped me to frame my thinking about ethnography. The first quotation that helped me was: “Ethnography assumes that we must first discover what people actually do and the reasons they give for doing it before we can assign to their actions, interpretations” (p. 1). A second quotation that caught my attention was, “Unlike qualitative research in general, the principle and most important characteristic of ethnography is that it is rooted in the concept of culture” (p. 8).
R4: I always love to write in my journal immediately after our class. I find that it helps me to reflect upon the many readings and discussions. What resonated for me tonight was a quotation from Patric (2003): “To view ethnography as travel or as a means of collecting not just stories of other cultures, but of collecting ourselves … speaks to the heart of Ethnography” (p. 4).
Narrator:
R3: Becoming an ethnographer is an ongoing journey. There are many aspects to consider in describing my journey so far. As Spradley (1979) said, “The ethnographer sees artefacts and natural objects but goes beyond them to discover what meaning people assign to these objects” (p. 6).
Culture/Identity
R4: At first the idea of culture seemed reasonably clear. Culture is culture, but something kept nagging at me. If culture is the key to understanding ethnography, what does culture really mean? It seems that the critical element that separates ethnography from other types of qualitative research is culture, so I began to question the concept and definition of culture. Are schools cultures? If so, how do we know? Are groups of teachers in a school a culture? How is culture defined? If the study of culture is the one critical element of ethnography that makes it unique and different from other kinds of qualitative research, I need to fully understand what is meant by culture.
Narrator:
R1: The two constructs, identity and culture, seem to be interrelated: Identity is a complex construct. It is not about discovering one's own values, beliefs, perceptions, and attitudes; it is about locating those aspects of oneself which arise because of our place in a sociohistorical, cultural context… . In fact, in my journal I wrote that Leroy (2001) reminds us of the ‘embeddedness’ of these concepts” (p. 90). Trofanenko (2006) stated, “The term
R4: I discovered that the following two excerpts from LeCompte and Schensul (1999) helped my understanding of and thinking about culture: “Culture consists of group patterns of behaviors and beliefs which persist over time” (p. 21), and culture is “what we need to know to function as a member of society” (p. 22).
Narrator:
Method/Field Work/Interpretation
R1: The ethnographic research process should be reflective. The ethnographer needs to shift the emphasis from phenomena to meaning in observing the behavior, customs, and emotions in the research culture.
R2: It is difficult to remember to think about the research methodology when I am reading the assigned articles because I find myself so engaged in the content. If I am going to improve as an ethnographer, I have to use these articles to help me understand methods as well as other parts of a research study.
R3: In one of her articles Kouritzin (2002) commented that researchers make personal and subjective judgments about the state of mind of those they describe every time they write about them. The excerpts from her observation assignments made me feel self-conscious, but not in the good, reflective way she suggested. At the same time in our course, we were asked to write expanded field notes from an observation of people's interactions; I began to wonder and worry about my word and text choices. This simple task turned into an uncomfortable experience of reexamining every word for potentially pejorative language.
R4: Writing the expanded field notes was easier than I thought it would be. After the difficulty of getting the information down, I was surprised at how much I could recall of the incident while I elaborated my notes. Through this experience I noticed two things. First, expanded field notes revealed the gaps in the information that I had gathered. This highlights the importance of revisiting your field notes as soon as possible as there may be opportunities to return to the field and clarify and obtain additional information. I also noticed that, although I felt I recalled more information as I expanded my notes, I questioned the accuracy of that information.
R5: We talked about field notes and how they reflect the researcher as much as the topic being researched. The use of language in fieldnotes, which I would have thought nothing about, became vital because it revealed my assumptions and thoughts about what is being observed.
R3: Is there any way of being an objective observer? Heath (1983) commented that her book cannot be considered a model piece of either educational or child language research because she claimed to not adhere to “standard experimental conditions or linguistic record keeping” (p. 8). Kouritzin (2002) concluded that no matter what form field notes take, they serve as an ethnographer's memory. Because the records are likely the only ones available about that time, place, and situation, they are “authoritative in whatever form they have been written” (p. 125).
Narrator:
R4: After my first complete read of Heath's (1983) work, one of my Post It(tm) notes read,
R1: On October 3 the professor began our class with a key question: “How do researchers get at someone else's perspective?” We were asked to observe a situation in which two people had different perspectives on an issue. Each of us explained how we use various questioning techniques or prompts to keep the person talking about his or her thoughts, beliefs, perceptions, and feelings about an issue. For example, one researcher in the group tried to get girls' perspectives on boys' harassment in her study. Her participants didn't define the boys' behavior as harassment. Thus, she remarked, “Perspective is a multilayered construct that takes time to untangle. It doesn't happen in one interview; it happens through interviews, observations and analysis of artefacts over time.”
R2: More and more it seems that ethnographies that I read are focused on playing some sort of activist/advocate role. I don't know how comfortable I am with this aspect of ethnographic research. I would think that being openly activist would cancel out the idea of objective observation and reporting, but perhaps if the researcher was really explicit about her own beliefs and purpose, the study (Fine, 1991) could be read with these biases in mind.
R3: Because of my previous work, I felt fairly comfortable discussing the differences between qualitative and quantitative research, but I struggled to understand just exactly where ethnographic research fit into qualitative research. I am a very practical person, or I try to take a practical, efficient view of how to do things. I have always had a bit of a quantitative stance rather than a qualitative stance. It has always seemed that numbers are more straightforward than description. My prior knowledge and thoughts about ethnography were based on my understanding, which came from quantitative research.
R5: Identifying and talking about my assumptions can be a difficult experience. I was challenged to uncover my assumptions and reflect on how easy it is to make them based solely on one source of information; it was pivotal in my awareness of researcher positioning and reflexivity. As a researcher, I cannot presume something to be true about a person or action without proof. I discovered that I made presumptions based on past experiences and expectations, which was a bit frightening to me, particularly if, as an ethnographer, my job is to tell about an experience from a participant's perspective.
R2: In our second class we looked at some contentious photographs from our local newspaper, and I felt myself censoring what I was sharing with my classmates. It wasn't until others started talking about and interpreting the photos that I felt more comfortable saying my thoughts out loud. I didn't want my classmates to think that I am a person who makes assumptions based on only a few pictures of someone I don't even know. It was easy to share the facts about what was actually happening, but it was uncomfortable to share my feelings and assumptions.
Narrator:
Struggles/Researcher Position
R4: We talked about the role of researchers in getting to know the lay of the land and fitting in. Sometimes we were at one end of the continuum where we fit in well and were comfortable, whereas at other times we were at the other end where we did not fit in as well and we experienced more difficulty being part of the culture and environment. At times, being partially an insider would help the researcher to be more easily accepted into the culture and would help him or her to know how to act in the culture being studied, but an insider also has the difficult task of making explicit for others things that insiders take for granted.
R1: I position myself as an
R5: Until our class field trip, I was not aware of what it was like to be an insider in the culture that we were visiting. Being an insider who is very familiar with the environment, I encountered some difficulties in conducting informal interviews with the people and ignored many important details in my observations. I realized that I did not collect any artefacts because they were commonplace for me. I was amazed at what my classmates collected and how much information they gained through their observations. Is it a disadvantage for ethnographers to be too familiar with the culture within which they are researchers? How do ethnographers overcome their positioning when they are insiders?
Narrator:
R3: “The researcher's eyes and ears are the primary modes for data collection” (LeCompte & Schensul, 1999, p. 2).
Narrator:
Further Musings
R5: The core of ethnographic research is being open to questions and remembering that we are the primary instruments of research.
R2: Being an ethnographer is an ongoing journey.
R1: I have read, reread, written, rewritten, discussed, and discovered a passion for ethnography. I've discovered that being in a sea of uncertainty is what ethnographic research is all about. There are no answers, only questions.
R3: I guess Patric (2003) was right: We are travelling together and discovering as much about who we are as people and as researchers as we continue to inquire and explore research methodology, particularly ethnography.
Narrator:
All readers: … or … a thoughtful ethnographer.
Conclusion
As we moved into and out of the uncertainties of research, wondered what is and what is not research, wrote together, and considered positioning and reflexivity, this collaborative process grew to be very rich. It was complicated at times, and we learned a great deal about stepping up and stepping back to ensure polyvocality. LeCompte and Schensul (1999) explained that the product of ethnographic work is an interpretive story, reconstruction, or narrative about a group of people (a community) that includes historical material and paints a picture of people going about their daily lives as they happen over a relatively representative period of time (p. 4), and we believe that our collaborative text has done that.
