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Abstract

This study examines the dynamics of a social media campaign launched by Algerian feminists in 2018 in response to a video shared on Facebook that narrated a woman’s upsetting encounter with harassment. This movement occurred in a region often known for its autocratic systems of governance and the prevalence of its Islamic movements rather than for its prominence of feminist advocacy. Yet the Global South and particularly North Africa are actually abundant with women’s rights organizations, a fact often overlooked in both Western scholarship and media. Drawing from social movement theory, this research analyzes how feminists in the Global South strategically presented their narratives on Facebook by employing diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing approaches. The findings illuminate that Algerian feminists primarily used two collective action frames in their messaging: diagnostic to increase awareness and prognostic to suggest long-term solutions. Yet motivational framing to empower supporters and give them a rationale to get involved was less prioritized, creating a critical gap in sustaining the movement and turning online grievances into action.

Keywords

Facebook feminism social media social movement Global South

“What are you doing here at this hour? You should be in the kitchen cooking dinner.” With these words, a man verbally and physically abused a woman jogger just a few minutes before sunset in the month of Ramadan in May 2018 (Chaif, 2018). The incident occurred in the capital city of Algeria and resulted in a widespread digital and physical social movement called #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen to rally support for the victim after her video telling her story while sobbing went viral (Ghanem-Yazbeck, 2018). The assault sparked a comprehensive debate about women’s safety in public spaces and the impact of the patriarchy system on women’s lives (Ourahmoune & Jurdi, 2023). This movement occurred in a region often known for its autocratic systems of governance and the prevalence of its Islamic movements rather than for its prominence of feminist advocacy (Skalli, 2020). Yet the Global South and North Africa in particular are actually abundant with women’s rights organizations (Moghadam, 2020).

While a considerable amount of research focuses on feminist social movements in the Global North (Keller et al., 2018; Rentschler, 2014), especially the US #MeToo movement (Alaggia & Wang, 2020; Clark-Parsons, 2021; Ghosh Chowdhury et al., 2019), less is known about how feminists in the Global South strategically communicate their messaging despite a long history of activism. The Algerian feminist movement can be traced back to the 1940s, a period characterized by French colonial rule (Salhi, 2008). The participation of women in the war of independence alongside men was regarded as a significant catalyst for social change, as it challenged patriarchal forces and changed the concept of honor (Amrane-Minne & Abu-Haider, 1999). However, the involvement of women in positions of power was quickly dismissed in the post-colonial period, as male supremacy was installed in state affairs (Salhi, 2013). Women remained proactive by organizing protests, signing petitions, and writing letters to the president for recognition and the granting of equal rights (Salhi, 2010a). Yet neither the government nor the opposition are interested in supporting the feminist movement, and scholars give little attention to women’s contributions in shaping their societies in the Global South (Lassel, 2020; Ourahmoune & Jurdi, 2023). Therefore, this analysis of how Algerian women used social media during the #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen campaign seeks to enhance understanding of discursive strategies used by feminists in the Global South and of social movement theory through a non-Westernized lens.

Literature Review

Western feminist scholarship has been criticized for overlooking the challenges faced by women in their distinct social and cultural contexts, often treating women’s needs as the same regardless of their geographical location (Bachmann et al., 2018; Mumby, 2011). A critical perspective has emerged to emphasize that women globally do not share an identical manifestation of oppression (Bosch, 2011). One approach to studying feminist discourse is social movement framing, which analyzes the strategies used by feminists to identify and fight against societal problems particular to their societies. The following section offers a broad review of feminism in the Global South before examining the role of social media in amplifying feminist movements and contextualizing social movement theory.

Feminism in the Global South

Feminist media scholars from the Global South have highlighted their concern of the feminist discourse dominated by Western scholars in defining women’s needs (Bachmann et al., 2018; Connell, 2014) as it often attributes gender inequalities only to ethnicity while disregarding the impact of historical and contemporary influences such as colonialism and neocolonialism (Medie & Kang, 2018). Roberts and Connell (2016) attribute the dominance of Western scholarship to the embedment of feminist theory into the knowledge economy shaped by universities and publishers in the United States and Western Europe. Scholars from both the Global North and South argue that the West often positions itself as a hub of civilization and a savior for women in other regions and that these women are urged to catch up to Western standards (Bachmann & Proust, 2019; Bosch, 2011; Mohanty, 2003; Roberts & Connell, 2016). It is important to note that women’s rights in the Middle East and North Africa have long been used by colonial and neocolonial powers to justify wars and aggressive actions in the region (Abu-Lughod, 2009). In other words, colonial powers sought to benefit from the oppression of women in the Global South by using it as an excuse to exert Western dominance. Global South feminist scholars such as Abu-Lughod (2002, 2009) and L. Ahmed (1993) critique using women’s status to control colonized societies and argue that such narratives oversimplify complex social issues and reinforce the so-called Western superiority. Lazreg (2018) and Lalami (2012) highlighted how colonial powers hindered Algerian feminists by excluding them from education, vocational training, health care, housing, and employment.

Although feminism is a worldwide theoretical concept and social movement that opposes patriarchy in all its forms, feminist scholars such as Oyěwùmí (1997) have cautioned against making broader generalizations about gender as a universal concept that applies uniformly across different geographical locations and historical periods; indeed, it is counterproductive if feminists do not comprehend each other’s cultural context and concerns (Roberts & Connell, 2016). L. Ahmed (1993) also called for a feminism that is self-critical and aware of the context of Middle Eastern and North African women to avoid stereotypes. Numerous scholars emphasize the importance of actively participating in the global discourse by showcasing the unique challenges of their region, especially the dilemma generated by colonial and anti-colonial politics and their impact on gender equality (Giraldo, 2016; Morrell, 2016). For instance, Boserup et al. (2013) argue that empowerment of women decreased in Africa during the colonial era through the gradual installation of European traditions that favored white men. Women also were discouraged from joining formal employment by their male counterparts as it was regarded as serving foreigner men (Montgomery, 2017). French colonialism in North Africa has also precipitated a significant decline in the well-being and education of women in both urban and rural regions (Moghadam, 2008). In Algeria, French colonists and the media treated native women as exotic objects, and the mistreatment and humiliation experienced by men in public was transformed into frustration and irritation poured onto their partners at home (Skalli, 2006). Furthermore, veiling, seclusion, and unequal treatment of women increased during the French colonial period as a response to colonial rules and Western practices (Lazreg, 1988; Skalli, 2006).

Building on these insights, the post-colonial period in Algeria illustrates these complexities further. During this period, women felt betrayed when not only were they dismissed from positions of power, but the Family Code adopted in 1984 imposed legal restrictions on women in marriage, divorce, and inheritance (Moghadam, 2008; Skalli, 2006). It also permitted polygamy for men, greatly hindering progress made by women (Guémar, 2019; Skalli, 2014). In addition, and due to pressure from conservative groups, a temporary restriction against women’s ability to travel without a male guardian passed in 1981 (Lalami, 2012; Lazreg, 1988). This was abolished after a group of women, including students, led a huge protest (Messaoudi & Schela, 1998). Women mobilized and collected 1 million signatures to express opposition to the Family Code since it was viewed as the legalization of male superiority over women (Salhi, 2010b). Their efforts resulted in the amendment of certain elements from the original draft, such as “women are given the role of procreators, making it their legal duty to breastfeed their children and care for them until adulthood” (Article 48, 84) and “women are given custody of their children; boys till the age of 10 and girls until marriage. If a woman has no guardian, the man will support only if he can” (Article 52, 84). However, they were unable to completely revoke the code (Ourahmoune & Jurdi, 2023; Salhi, 2010a). Due to feminist activists’ continuous advocacy, the Family Code was relaxed throughout the years, especially in the 2016 reforms; in addition, the legislature crimininalized street harassment, domestic violence, and the theft of a woman’s possessions by her partner (MED FemiNiswiya, 2021).

Since its establishment, the Family Code has been an issue among Algerian feminists (Al-Hamidi, 2018). Algerian feminism has always been secular and has rejected proposals that bind women’s rights to religious perspectives (Mihalache, 2007). It could be argued that early Algerian feminists were also influenced by French feminists during and after the colonial period (Al-Hamidi, 2018; Kimble, 2006). While feminism as a concept has evolved through different waves and concerns throughout history, Bouatta (1997) highlights the more recent presence of an intersectional feminism aiming to attract women of all ages, social classes, and political spheres. Overall, Algerian feminism currently is an intersection of indigenous and global influences, created by the nation’s distinctive past.

Online Activism and Feminism

The colonial perception of women in the Global South as powerless, submissive, and in need of Western liberation (Magdy et al., 2022; Tazi & Oumlil, 2020) has been challenged by feminists’ proactive online presence and by the efforts of women who have worked for decades to improve their situation through activism (Moghadam, 2008; Skalli, 2020). Women have expressed their agency through various online activism initiatives (Andalibi et al., 2016; Qazzaz, 2021). For example, the online campaign #BlueBra that followed the 2011 assault of a protester known as the Blue Bra girl during an anti-regime political demonstration in Egypt rose to prominence as the symbol of an anti-violence feminist campaign (Hafez, 2014). Other significant movements were the #women2drive campaign in Saudi Arabia (Al-Khamri, 2019) and #RIPAmina in Morocco following the suicide of a girl forced to marry her rapist, which resulted in a repeal (Iddins, 2018; Ouassini, 2021). Hashtags have contributed to empowering feminist movements in the region by garnering more visibility and support from the general public (Moghadam, 2020; Tazi & Oumlil, 2020).

The use of online platforms has extended beyond individual activity to include women’s rights organizations (Hurley, 2021; Sarrats, 2022). Moghadam (2010) pointed out that social media platforms have had a significant impact on the feminist movement in the Middle East and North Africa, specifically through the creation of mobile phone apps such as HarassMap in Egypt and HarassTracker in Lebanon. These platforms have provided feminists with more visibility and are an efficient means to address feminists’ agenda using different social movements frames (Glas & Spierings, 2019). The use of social media, especially Facebook and what was then known as Twitter, intensified in the region during the first Arab Spring’s anti-government protests in the early 2010s. Young people used the platforms as their main communication tools to organize, educate, and mobilize due to the content freedoms that social media provided in contrast to state-controlled media (Monshipouri, 2019). Indeed, the Arab Social Media Report by the Dubai School of Government offers “empirical heft to the conventional wisdom that Facebook and Twitter abetted if not enabled the historic region-wide uprisings of early 2011” (Huang, 2011). As Facebook was the more popular of the platforms among Algerians in 2018 during #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen (StateCounter Global Stats, 2019), it is therefore not surprising feminists would turn to the social media platform looking for the same kind of social movement success.

Studies indicate that social media facilitate the ability of victims of sexual harassments to share their experience with the public (S. I. Ahmed et al., 2014; Li et al., 2021), yet this has had both positive and negative effects. Although victims may benefit from online support from their networks (Man Yu Li et al., 2010), platforms often fail to provide a supportive environment (Alaggia & Wang, 2020). Individuals who disclose their experience with sexual harassment often encounter more criticism and societal disapproval (Aroustamian, 2020; Scarduzio et al., 2018). Social media can foster an unsupportive and aggressive atmosphere instead of providing a positive and empowering space for victims (Keller et al., 2018; Rentschler, 2014). However, research that examined feminist social movements on social media shows other outcomes are possible (Bates et al., 2020; Clark-Parsons, 2021; Eslen-Ziya, 2013; Parahita, 2019). For instance, the #MeToo campaign not only encouraged victims to share their experiences with the public but also brought support and solidarity to these victims while spreading awareness about the issue (Chowdhury et al., 2019). This movement continues to play an important role in building a global community around the same goal: fighting against sexual harassment (Quan-Haase et al., 2021). Therefore, examining communication strategies used by these movements is important for theory advancement.

Social Movement Theory

Before examining discursive strategies of the feminist social movement in Algeria, further explication of the social movement concept is useful. Social movement refers to any collective action or a series of actions aiming to create social change (Finneman, 2018; Storer & Rodriguez, 2020). Its ultimate objective is to accelerate social change by (1) increasing awareness of the injustices of a specific social situation, (2) stimulating discussions that question the systems and structures that either created or help sustain social inequalities, and (3) planning and coordinating actions to address perceived inequalities (Jasper, 1998). Gamson et al. (1982) and Snow et al. (1986) conceptualized collective actions frames in social movements with the goal of extending social movement theory. Benford and Snow (2000) identified the following three primary types of collective actions frames: diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational. Diagnostic framing refers to the identification of the problem of the social issue, such as who or what to blame for the inequality or injustice (Snow & Benford, 1988). Prognostic framing involves the suggestions of solutions to a situation or a problem, or to some extent, a plan to of attack, including what strategies to use (Benford & Snow, 2000). And finally, motivational framing involves an elaborate call to empower the affected individuals or groups by giving them a rationale to engage in ameliorative actions (Benford and Snow, 2000; Snow, 2013).

Unlike traditional organizational structures, recent social movements have relied on social media platforms (Alaggia & Wang, 2020; Li et al., 2021; Tufekci, 2017). This study seeks to understand what framing strategies were used by feminists in Algeria in their attempt to create a social movement using Facebook. The aim is to elucidate the strategies through which feminists in a country of the Global South shaped their narrative to mobilize support and contribute to the broader feminist movement.

RQ. What framing strategies did Algerian feminists use on Facebook during the #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen social movement?

Method

This research uses framing analysis within the context of social movement theory to scrutinize the discourse used by two Algerian feminist organizations on their Facebook pages. The pages selected were سافرات جزائريات (Algerian rebels) and “ femme insoumises algerienne (rebellious Algerian women) since they came up in the top results on Facebook when searching campaign hashtags. The original hashtags #my_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen and #leave_her_in_peace” were searched in Arabic and French, the two languages most spoken in Algeria. Out of 15 feminist pages listed, these two were selected based on number of followers, level of engagement, longevity, and activity during the online campaign.

Between May 5 and June 5, 2018, several social media campaigns were launched by the administrators of the organizations’ Facebook pages to protest and advocate for women’s safety in public spaces. Given that Facebook is widely used by Algerians (DataReportal, 2023), it was a hotbed for the “#my_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen” campaign. The feminist Facebook page (Algerian rebels)—referred to throughout the rest of this study as Algerians Rebelled—had amassed 28,000 followers since it was formed in October 2012. Femme insoumises algerienne (rebellious Algerian women)—referred to as rebellious Algerian—have 175,000 followers and was founded in August 2016. Both pages are proactive in generating discussion about women’s rights in Algeria and beyond and their stated goal is to cultivate a feminist community and increase awareness about women’s freedom. Both pages were actively posting three to five times a week during this 2018 social movement.

The study’s starting point was May 5, 2018, when the victim shared a video on her personal Facebook page recounting the assault she experienced. Data collection of the posts created by the two feminist organizations on their Facebook pages extended for 30 days after the event to follow the story’s life cycle. Systematic sampling was used by collecting screenshots of every fourth text post, excluding posts that included images, videos, and GIFs created by outside users, since the aim of this study is to analyze original discourse created by feminists, not secondhand content. A total of 110 text posts were selected, with 50 from Algerians Rebelled and 60 from rebellious Algerian. The content was written either in Arabic, French, or English, which the lead author translated.

A qualitative framing analysis was employed to examine the content within the context of social movement theory (Askanius & Hartley, 2019; Benford & Snow, 2000; Finneman, 2018). After taking a “long soak in the data” (Hall, 1975) to gain familiarity, each post was scrutinized to identify what framing strategy was used. Each post was then coded under diagnostic, motivational, or prognostic framing. Diagnostic framing posts, in this research, identified the problem or drew attention to the source of the problem. Prognostic framing posts included solutions around the issues of women’s rights and freedoms, such as changing government policy. And finally, motivational posts used word choices as to why women should not keep silent and should seek sustainable change. After an initial categorization (Creswell & Creswell, 2017), each post was reanalyzed to determine the final categorization.

Results

The research’s overreaching findings showed that, during the May 2018 online campaign, feminists focused primarily on women’s right to claim their space within the public sphere, including through streets free of harassment. Content administrators of both the Algerians Rebelled and the rebellious Algerian Facebook pages engaged in diagnostic frames by identifying the problem and illustrating examples of gender inequality in Algeria, such as restricting women’s freedoms and the tendency to place the blame on them for harassment. Leaders of the two Facebook feminist pages also keenly used prognostic frames that focused on long-term deconstruction of existing power structures and societal norms. Yet motivational framing to empower supporters and give them a rationale to get involved was less prioritized, creating a critical gap in sustaining the movement and turning online grievances into action.

Diagnostic Framing

Facebook posts from the feminist leaders mentioning the “My place is not in the kitchen” campaign mainly focused on the physical harassment faced by Algerian women and who was to blame for it. Algerians Rebelled criticized people who blamed the victim for running close to the sunset: “This post is for people who are trying to find all kind of excuses for the aggressor, you are all hypocrites.” Rebellious Algerian noted, “She was harassed, insulted, simply for being out at that hour, and the worst reaction was from the police, she was told, what were you doing outside at this late hour.” These posts shed light on the victim-blaming mentality omnipresent in society responsible for inequality and injustice. As the online campaign gained momentum, administrators for both Facebook pages posted that they were receiving an increased number of direct messages from women sharing their experience with street harassment. They then shared some of these messages on the social media pages to reinforce the need for a social movement, utilizing diagnostic framing to turn the focus toward identification of the problem. Rebellious Algerian shared a story of a student pushed by a man passing by: “All his repressed desires were expressed in a violent gesture and screamed: Cover yourself.” Another example given on the same Facebook page disclosed a similar story where an “extremely afraid” woman was stalked while going home. Another post sarcastically noted, “It seems that polygamy does not prevent sexual assault” while featuring a story about a man in a polygamous marriage who committed a sexual act on a 14-year-old teenager. Polygamy, still existing in the amended Family Code of 2016 (Musawah, 2017), is viewed by some individuals as a way to prevent men from sexually harassing women. Yet feminist activists used diagnostic framing to point out that this assumption is false, and the policy is actually part of the problem. Using this strategy of social movement theory challenged entrenched patriarchal norms and tried to get audiences to examine the troublesome nature of the status quo regarding women’s rights.

Numerous posts used diagnostic framing to identify problematic gender norms by ironically discussing how the “perfect woman” should be: “She must listen to him, obey him, and tells him that she was born to serve in the kitchen.” Similarly, posts on Algerians Rebelled touched upon gender inequality: “As soon as he learned that women are taking as much space as he does, he started attacking us.” Both posts illustrate the problem of men feeling threatened at the prospect of gender equality and the diminishment of their superiority. A significant number of posts identified social issues related to women. A post shared by Algerians Rebelled reported the story of the online harassment that a female YouTuber received for publicly supporting the campaign #my_place_isn’t_in_kitchen. The post stated, “In this free country, women are supposed to be free as much as men are free.” During this period, both pages showed support for the victim by diagnosing the source of gender inequalities, illustrating the broader societal shift toward pointing out systematic disparities through the use of Facebook. Theoretically, this adds to understanding of how social movements in authoritarian countries can gain momentum when they are able to use online platforms to spread messaging of perceived problems that are otherwise ignored by the political mainstream.

Still, throughout the campaign, both Facebook pages experienced the removal of several of their posts. A post titled “Where is my freedom” on Algerians Rebelled expressed frustration over content removal due to the high number of reports against their page: “Unfortunately, the path to freedom of expression is still far; if your goal is to silence us about the harassment, you are totally wrong.” A post on rebellious Algerian expressed similar concerns: “We are under attack for simply expressing our opinions! your efforts to silence us are useless.” Posts asserted that the censorship demonstrated feminists’ efforts were being quieted to hinder their ability to raise awareness about harassment. This obstruction tried to silence the movement from bringing attention to its problems. It is worth mentioning that this tactic is frequently used by established powers in an attempt to silence voices when those in authority are identified as the problem and feel their position is threatened (Gan, 2021).

In response to the multiple attacks that feminists’ pages experienced, the content administrators saw the need to emphasize the meaning of what they do. Algerians Rebelled shared, “Feminism is not about hating men, it’s about women and men working hand in hand for equal rights.” Both pages consistently tied feminism to the subjugation of women based on their clothing choices, asserting the intersection of feminism and the regulation of women’s attire is indicative to the broader issue surrounding gender equality. For instance, rebellious Algerian stated, “Feminism is not to judge women on their choices: veil or abaya (long wear for Muslim women) or a short skirt; women are free to wear whatever the heck they want.” An example shared by the Algerians Rebelled noted, “Such a naive society that ignores everything about women and only pay attention to their clothes.” Feminists also used diagnostic framing to identify the problematic nature of religion being used to control their clothing and actions. Rebellious Algerian noted, “How did you give yourself the right to label every woman who does not wear the veil (hijab) a whore.” A post by Algerians Rebelled expressed irritation about a religious shop that requests women who do not wear the veil to not stay too long. The post exclaimed, “Wow, what an example of tolerance!” while rebellious Algerian noted, “Religion is applied only when it comes to women.” This emphasized the perceived selective enforcement of certain interpretations of the religion, while pinpointing the unequal application of religious norms. Algerians Rebelled remarked, “We have a problem with those who project their personal beliefs on us; let us breathe.” These posts vividly underlined the experiences of several women who are subjected to the above amalgam between religious beliefs and personal freedoms. This diagnostic framing in highlighting the challenges women face—particularly concerning gender inequality, harassment, and the interpretation of the religion—were crucial components of the feminist narrative. This reinforces the importance of the diagnostic component of social movement theory to create an understanding among followers of what their agreed upon grievances are that need action. It not only identified pressing societal issues but also had a crucial impact in questioning stereotypes by bringing attention to the intersection between feminism and personal freedom.

Motivational Framing

When motivational framing was used, strategies included calling for solidarity and short-term involvement in the movement. However, this collection action frame giving supporters a rationale to get engaged long term was less prioritized in communication. Both feminist Facebook pages invited people to participate in a jog at the same time and place where the victim was harassed. Rebellious Algerian noted, “We want to congratulate all women and men for their mobilization. Join our event at . . . .” Multiple jogging events were thereafter organized in various cities around the country. Another post emphasized, “The road towards tolerance and respect of women’s freedom still long, join us on . . . at . . . to run for our liberty.” These messages were framed to motivate people to join the cause and assert that such incidents are no longer acceptable and will not be ignored. As stated by a post by rebellious Algerian, “Solidarity with you, the jogger who was harassed by a gang of fundamentalists in social media. I run where I want when I want.” The post continued to applaud both men and women for their participation. This frame underlined the unwavering commitment of feminists in promoting equal rights by emphasizing the ongoing struggle for women in public spaces and encouraging people to act immediately and engage in short-term actions. From a social movement theoretical perspective, motivational framing here aimed to encourage followers to move from expressing online grievances to taking the next step of forming short-term in-person “solidarity.” This suggests the online space is considered effective for attracting initial like-minded protesters, yet motivation is needed to get followers to engage in initial real-life activities for the movement to gain momentum.

Other motivational strategies arose after a video surfaced online inciting men to throw acid on women who jog in yoga clothes during Ramadan. Both feminist Facebook pages highlighted the gravity of the issue and the urgency for a speedy and effective action: “Several alerted the security services, many filed complaints at the police stations in their localities, you should do the same, let’s not let this slide.” Other posts highlighted the context: “Remember, this wave of violence and hatred against women followed the aggression of Ryma (the victim) for daring to jog in public a few minutes before Iftar (Breaking the fast).” Both pages shared motivational quotes to point out the gravity of the issue and the urgency to act sooner than later: “I am calling everyone to share this post and file a complaint against this person.” Algerians Rebelled stated also, “This is an act of terror and a solicitation to violence, do not let it slide.” These efforts proved effective, since the matter was brought to the attention of Algerian justice and the person who appeared in the video faced legal charges. As stated by Algerians Rebelled, “Thanks to your efforts, the Minister of Justice confirms that the individual in question has been identified and is being judged, anyone who dares to do the same will receive the same severe consequences.” These examples illustrate how the combination of both motivational framing—getting people to want to make a difference—and prognostic framing—getting them to actually take action—are theoretically and practically important for a social movement to create change. However, in spite of this success, the feminist organizations seemingly did not recognize the importance of continuing this momentum by consistently using motivational collective action framing, thereby creating a critical gap in its messaging strategy.

Prognostic Framing

Prognostic frames were often used in the Facebook posts during the campaign, meaning that the feminist organizations had clear ideas on actions that needed to be taken to generate progress. After seeing the video of the man encouraging throwing acid on women, Algerians Rebelled addressed issues related to violence, highlighting the importance of breaking the silence: “We must no longer be silent and accept apologies for violence, do not hesitate to file a complaint, take screenshots, save the link of their profiles, look at the profile photos to prove the identity of these perpetrators.” The Facebook pages also shared invitations to a number of workshops aimed at spreading awareness about various type of violence, including domestic violence and marital rape. A post on Algerians Rebelled said, “In August 2018, a pilot session of participatory workshops reserved for women will take place; those interested, sign up here.” It is important to note that domestic violence made it to the penal code in 2015 after feminists advocated for this change for decades. Again in 2018, they were seeking to educate women about the importance of speaking up against domestic violence to create long-term change (EuroMed, 2021), illustrating the value of the prognostic collective action frame to achieving a social movement’s goals.

In addition to criticizing the victim-blaming discourse surrounding the woman jogger—which diagnostically identified the problem—prognostic narratives on the Facebook pages underscored the long-term importance of rejecting aggressor behavior and expressing concerns about how authorities deal with such complaints. Both social media pages urged the shift in perceptions surrounding the issue of victim-blaming as a needed structural change. Several posts highlighted the hypocrisy of the patriarchy and the need to challenge it to improve women’s lives. For instance, Algerians Rebelled shared numerous posts highlighting instances where women were denied decision-making roles: “The person who prevents his sister or daughter from continuing their education is the same person who demands that his wife must be seen by a female doctor!! what a paradox.” This highlights the disparity in decision-making power that is recognized by many as a man’s role. Similarly, rebellious Algerian exclaimed, “We’re fed up with you deciding for us! Leave us alone!” A post by rebellious Algerian expressed the urgency of amending the Family Code “We are not treated equally; successful women have to put twice as much effort of a man.” The content administrators for both Algerians Rebelled and rebellious Algerian expressed concerns about women who out of fear hesitated to interact with their Facebook pages: “It seems that we have followers who cannot interact with the page out of fear, do not give up to their intimidation, do not be afraid to think and act!” In other words, doing nothing would not lead to necessary changes advocated by the social movement. Through the use of the prognostic collective action frame, the feminist organizations are strategically framing social issues surrounding women’s rights to dismantle oppressive norms.

Further evidence of this strategy was apparent in how the Facebook pages addressed the prevailing issue of street harassment: “Don’t tell me how to dress, teach them not to rape.” Another post pointedly stated, “To some of you, women have to cover themselves more and more; otherwise, your animal instinct wakes up! We, women, are born free, so let’s be respectful of everyone’s choices.” The overreaching goal was to challenge the long-standing social norms that dictate women’s clothing choices and, as such, control over women (Jansen, 2021). Rebellious Algerian noted, “We no longer accept apologies for violence” by emphasizing the fundamental principles of women’s freedoms. These posts contribute to the broader campaign: that of women’s individual choices and the collective need for respectful acceptance and combatting street harassment. Algerians Rebelled assumed a sarcastic tone in addressing gender inequality, sharing posts that humorously conveyed the message:

Ironically, this seems hard for some people to understand, here we go, (1) women = human being, (2) men = human being. Hence, men = women, then, if (2) has the right to enjoy his life as he wants, means that (1) has the right to do so as well.

Other posts emphasized the significant power women hold in changing the patriarchal system: “I believe that we, women, have immense power to transmit our values to our children. It’s time to turn things around.” In other words, long-term change was possible through this solution. This highlights the intention of a sustainable advocacy for social change by changing the mentality when educating the new generation. In a similar vein, rebellious Algerian highlighted a woman breaking the gender stereotypes by entering in the male-dominated area of auto repair: “Women are capable of doing any job, so ladies, dare big, challenge yourself, you are capable of it.” These positive narratives primarily focused on giving a rationale for women to seek equality. Overall, these feminist organizations illustrated through their messaging strategies that they valued prognostic framing and had clear ideas on an action plan to deconstruct existing power structures and societal gender norms.

Discussion and Conclusion

Although #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen launched following the harassment of a woman jogging, clearly this social movement campaign had broader implications and goals about the rights of Algerian women in the public sphere. Like their counterparts in Western nations, feminists in the Global South have adeptly used social media platforms to amplify visibility, garner support, attract new members to their cause, and achieve their goals (Al-Mahadin, 2011; Qazzaz, 2021). Building upon the work of Moghadam (2020) and other scholars, this study of the “#My place isn’t in the kitchen” campaign illustrates how feminists in North Africa have been firm in their commitment to confront diverse forms of discrimination and oppression. Despite Western myths that women in the Global South are passive and meek, heavy use of diagnostic framing in feminist Facebook groups illustrated strength in challenging patriarchy, polygamy, domestic violence, and control tactics. Even with censorship attempts on their social media platforms, they continued commenting and identifying issues after their posts were reported and removed. A key framing strategy for a social movement is to articulate problems that need addressing and building awareness, a tactic these groups prioritized in messaging. Diagnostic framing was frequently used to shine a light on gender inequalities and deeply ingrained patriarchal mentality. The organizations also exhibited proficiency in using their Facebook pages to reinforce prognostic messaging focused on long-term solutions to women’s rights issues, such as ending rape culture and educating children to create structural change. However, motivational frames were less frequently used by feminists to empower supporters to go beyond commenting on social media and to give them a rationale to take actions necessary to create the movement’s desired social changes. As such, no structural changes to women’s rights occurred as a result of this campaign.

Overall, the #My_place_isn’t_in_the_kitchen Algerian feminist campaign adds to understanding of how social movements in authoritarian countries can gain momentum when they use online platforms to spread messaging of perceived problems and suggest solutions that are otherwise ignored by the political mainstream. However, theoretically, this study suggests that using only two of the three collective action frame strategies promoted in social movement theory indeed leaves significant gaps in messaging to advance the aggrieved movement’s goals.

Limitations to this study include the sample size as analysis primarily relied on content shared by Algerians Rebelled and rebellious Algerian during a specific timeframe. This may not capture framing strategies of other feminist groups both on and off Facebook. Second, the acknowledgment that both Facebook pages claimed to have posts erased points to a limitation in the completeness of the data as the posts deleted might have valuable insights into the movement’s strategies. The deletion of these posts also highlights that, while social media can be an effective tool for a social movement’s visibility, one must remember these platforms are created and shaped by male-dominated Western interests. As such, future research into social movements in the Global South could focus on how patriarchal and neoliberalism might shape feminist advocacy in online platforms. Furthermore, analyzing how audiences respond to social media content from feminist social movement leaders would be of scholarly interest.

Overall, this study builds upon understanding of social movement literature by again illustrating that—contrary to mainstream Western views—women in the Global South are not powerless but rather have been engaged in resilient and impactful social movements that contest prevailing inequalities and contribute to a transformative change in their societies. For instance, following the campaign “#My place isn’t in the kitchen,” a subsequent campaign #I_help_her started by male influencers that showcased themselves engaging in cooking and cleaning activities. This served as a powerful allyship efforts by challenging stereotypical gender roles and fostering a more inclusive understanding of shared responsibilities within the household. Moreover, women in the Global South are instrumental in building a global perspective into social movements. In essence, recognizing the agency of women in the Global South, especially in North Africa, is key for fostering a more accurate understanding of their impact.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Teri Finneman

Author Biographies

Rim H. Chaif (MA University of Calabria) is a doctoral student at the University of Kansas. Her research interests include social movements,women health,and social media use.

Teri Finneman (PhD University of Missouri) is an associate professor at the University of Kansas. Her research interests include women in politics,rural news,and oral history.

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