Abstract
Introduction
On Monday, February 6, 2023, a collective of activists, upset over J.K. Rowling’s embrace of trans-exclusionary ideologies, flocked to the livestreaming platform Twitch to express their opposition to the promotion of
By bringing research on livestreaming and affective labor (Cullen, 2022; Ruberg, 2021; Tran, 2022; Woodcock & Johnson, 2019) into conversation with research on branding (Arvidsson, 2006; Klein, 2000), culture jamming (Dery, 1993), noise (Parikka, 2011), and engagement (Evans, 2020), this article uses a case study of the activism surrounding the
This article begins by outlining the theories and methods being used. Then, it uses a media and cultural studies framework to connect the record-setting single-game viewership numbers, the boycott created for Twitch to the affective labor of livestreaming in general and an affective economy of joy, sadness, pain, and nostalgia in particular, focusing specifically on broadcasting footage, media coverage, and social media posts taken from livestreaming channels run by Zepla (2023), Girlfriend Reviews (2023), and SilverVale (2023). In other words, this article is not interested in arguing over the ethics of revolutionary tactics being used by activists as much as it is interested in the mechanisms that platforms (and corporations) are using to amplify, filter, and extract value from the noise generated by these arguments.
Culture Jamming: A Brief History
What happens when a culture jamming media activist strategy is implemented on a livestreaming platform? Before answering this question, it is useful to begin with a brief introduction to research on culture jamming. Culture jamming is a term that describes anti-consumerist resistance strategies (DeLaure & Fink, 2017) used to counter advertising and marketing messages through a variety of means, ranging from pranks and parodies to the vandalism of billboards. The term, which is attributed to collage artist Don Joyce and his experimental band Negativeland (Dery, 1993), can be interpreted as an extension of the practice of radio jamming, which was a tactic used to disrupt broadcast frequencies by decreasing the signal-to-noise ratio (Carducci, 2006). In the context of game culture, culture jamming has been applied to Jacques Servin’s SimCopter hack, which inserted crowds of kissing men into a military-themed helicopter simulation (Ouellette, 2013), and the culture jamming/subtervising work by Molleindustria (Paolo Pedercini), which includes
Culture jamming’s relationship with ethical consumerism, civil disobedience, and resistance is complex and nuanced, with Dery (1993) insisting that the phenomenon is best understood as an “elastic category” which “accommodates a multitude of subcultural practices” (para. 36). This multitude used to be defined, in the case of pre-digital culture jamming, against mass media in general and corporate branding in particular, with the appropriation of billboard, television, and magazine advertising campaigns cited as key examples of the practice (Klein, 2000). But in the case of the
While the growing interdisciplinary field of platform studies is beginning to bridge gaps in knowledge, critical analysis of the similarities platforms share with legacy media corporate actors is an under-investigated area of scholarship (Gorwa, 2019). The events surrounding the
Affective Economies of Livestreaming
Critical research on Twitch has done a good job of highlighting the affective and emotional labor that livestreaming performances demand, and the fact that most of this labor is unpaid, but this scholarship is just beginning to account for the myriad of ways in which affects associated with livestreaming circulate through other media forms. Research on affective economies can help provide this comparative focus by concentrating on the exchange and circulation of affects through media (Lehmann et al., 2019). According to Ahmed (2004), emotions (and feelings) work in “concrete and particular ways” by circulating through bodies, communities, and media in a manner similar to forms of economic capital (p. 119). Integral to this theorization is the notion that instead of residing in (and emanating from) a body, community, or sign, an emotion is a by-product of the circulation of affective intensities through bodies, communities, and signs. In other words, affects are energies and intensities whose modality is not necessarily fixed (Ahmed, 2004, p. 123), and it is the circulation and reproduction of these intensities through different modes of signification which align embodied experiences with communities and subjectivities.
Due to its emphasis on the roles that signs and emotions play in the production of identities and communities, and its compatibility with Marxist-psychoanalytic screen theory, the affective economy is a concept that is gaining popularity among scholars interested in the impact that social media platforms are having on society (Clough, 2008; Jarrett, 2016). In the context of the events of February 6, it provides a useful means of attributing the explosion of political activity that surrounded the streaming of
Livestreaming as a Cultural Product and Form
Missing from conservative media narratives that equate protest with bullying and harassment is a critical understanding of the mechanisms that platforms (and corporations) are using to amplify, filter, and extract value from the noise generated by the
Synchronous chat windows are instant-messaging windows which appear beside broadcast footage that afford multiple audiovisual modes of audience communication, ranging from simple text-based greetings to ASCII art and animated gifs. These windows are colloquially referred to as “Twitch Chats,” but research describes communicative atmospheres that are bursting with collective behaviors which resemble in-person crowds (Chow, 2016; Lybrand, 2019). This form of instant group communication, which is often described as a “one of the most distinctive elements” of Twitch (Johnson, 2024b, p. 12), facilitates modes of communication which resemble the conversations that internet relay chat systems support, with an important difference being the presence of a live video feed the chat can react to.
Research on livestreaming calls attention to the important roles that Twitch chats play in differentiating the platform from other forms of broadcasting, prompting Consalvo (2017) to link the aesthetics of livestreaming to a “decentering” of the game, or text, and the substitution of paratextual elements, such as the performer’s persona or brand as the central source of meaning (p. 182). For audiences watching and participating on Twitch, a livestreamer’s persona can be an important incentive for repeat viewing, transforming channels into branded experiences, and transforming chats into distinctively personal branded spaces. For Klein (2023, p. 53), this overlap of a person’s sense of self and a carefully curated online persona is constitutive of the “age of the influencer,” representing a continuous, at times paranoid, state of constant performance.
Performances on Twitch require a significant amount of affective labor, due to the immediacy of synchronous chat window aesthetics. According to Taylor (2018, p. 42), the chat is not only a resource used by livestreamers to monitor and respond to what audiences are saying, it also facilitates the emergence of mass crowd behavior, or what Harry (2012) describes as crowdspeak. Crowdspeak is a specific mode of visual communication (characterized by text, exclamations, emoticons, and memes) which is “akin to the cheering one would find in a sports stadium” (Taylor, 2018, p. 42). On a content level, crowdspeak bears a resemblance to unwanted forms of communication that have been previously classified as spam, with an important difference being its visual integration into livestream broadcasts where it provides an immediate source for real-time audience engagement alongside a broader range of viewer-to-viewer and viewer-to-streamer interactions—interactions that provide a useful means of linking and differentiating the “flow” of livestreaming from previous forms of broadcasting.
Initially introduced by Williams (1974/2004) as a means of using broadcast scheduling around advertising to distinguish the cultural form and product of television, the concept of flow, according to McKelvey and Hunt (2019), provides a useful means of critically conceptualizing “discoverability,” or how platforms “actively attempt to guide how and when users discover content” (pp. 1–2). In the context of livestreaming, the events of February 6, 2023 exemplify how flow and discoverability exist in a complex and contradictory relationship with technical and cultural engagement and events occurring off the platform. The release of a highly anticipated game can drive a higher than normal amount of traffic to Twitch, for example, creating a powerful incentive for livestreamers to play new releases. Doing so can be risky, however, as interactions between livestreamers, subscribers, and new viewers are difficult to manage, resulting in clashes over etiquette, values, and politics that organizational communications theorists describe as cultural noise (Paulson, 2019).
Cultural Noise, Engagement, and Twitch
While it is still conceived as a technical problem, noise is attracting a growing amount of historical, theoretical, and practical interest for a variety of reasons, ranging from the challenges the category poses to ocular-centric media and communications histories to its complex and contradictory relationship with power and attention. According to Carmi (2020), the categorization of ostensibly unwanted communications, like noise and spam, provides a powerful means of drawing boundaries between bodies and behaviors and distinguishing human sociality from that which is non-human or anti-social. Crowdspeak, in this context, not only provides a subtle means of legitimizing forms of engagement previously dismissed as noise, but also a means of understanding how the flow of livestreaming can be conceptualized as a distinct cultural form (and product) that interfaces with the tactical use of noise.
In
It is within this backdrop of patriarchy, precarity, and the pursuit of microcelebrity that the
Methodology
Reactions to the
Channels run by Zepla, Girlfriend Reviews, and SilverVale were selected using the following criteria. First, all three channels were run by macro-influencers (social media personalities with over 10,000 followers) and there is a growing body of social media marketing research which insists that macro-influencers are more effective brand ambassadors when compared to celebrities, specifically due to their propensity for engaging directly with their audiences (Borges-Tiago et al., 2023; Kay et al., 2020). Second, the Zepla, Girlfriend Reviews, and SilverVale channels responded directly to the protests and clips of these responses were aggregated and reported on by various media outlets, creating a situation where footage taken from all three channels can be compared and contrasted against media coverage of the event. Finally, and most importantly, footage taken from all three channels can be analyzed qualitatively for the purposes of examining the chats and amplifying the perspectives of protest participants in them without sacrificing their anonymity.
How was footage from channels run by Zepla, Girlfriend Reviews, and SilverVale selected and coded? Media coverage of micro-influencer responses to the protest was the coding criteria used to select clips for analysis following research on affective economies (Ahmed, 2004). The Monday February 6th Girlfriend Reviews charity stream was captured and watched in its entirety, so it could be compared to a clip (taken from the stream) an audience member posted to reddit. The Zepla and SilverVale livestreams were viewed, but not in their entirety because the footage garnering media attention was purposefully edited and shared on X (formerly known as Twitter) and YouTube by each respective streamer.
Qualitative analysis of the clips selected for study was comparative with the livestream broadcast feed and Twitch chat receiving equal attention when possible. Attention to the activity taking place in the synchronous chat window was central to the analysis, as well, with the Twitch chat providing a useful means of bringing the affective economics of the event into focus. Finally, the qualitative analysis was also grounded in data taken from SullyGnome that was used to identify the release window and a period of 48 hr during which a majority of the culture jamming activity took place—a period when the act of playing
Case studies are limited in their generalizability (Yin, 2013), so this article will not be making general claims about the reactions of livestreamers or the motivations of the protesters involved. A goal of this article is to use a case study of an anti-brand protest occurring on a livestreaming platform to bring media and cultural studies research on branding and resistance into conversation with interdisciplinary research on platforms and user resistance. This approach shares similarities with Light et al.’s (2018) walkthrough method, which was developed in response to the empirical challenges created by the technical closure of platforms. This article’s method differs, however, by accounting for a wider array of political actors that came into contact at a specific point in time during an act of protest. Acts of protest have made for influential case studies resulting in a substantial field of literature that is beyond the scope of this article (see Neumayer & Rossi, 2016; Poell & van Dijck, 2018). Nonetheless, case studies that explore the role social media platforms play in reshaping the organization, communication, and temporality of protests (Poell, 2020) provide useful comparisons to this case.
A Record-Setting Day for Twitch
Despite taking place in a boarding school setting that J.K. Rowling developed over a series of best-selling novels chronicling the adventures of Harry Potter,
When considering the backlash Rowling was receiving from fans, and the lack of audience interest in further cinematic offerings, the decision to shift the Wizarding World into a major game release was, more likely than not, made for several reasons. First, Rowling would have nothing to do with the production and promotion of the game, allowing fans of the series to discursively destabilize the original author’s agency by generating their own content. This strategy recognizes the important roles that amateur and professional fans play in the collaborative transmedia worldbuilding process, with self-described professional fans working on the game and influencer fans helping to promote it. Second, a big budget video game release could provide a valuable means of not only boosting but also measuring audience engagement and ensuring investors that entry points into the Wizarding World remained discoverable online. Both of these activities align with the “discursive” and “economic” commodity functions of transmedia engagement, according to Evans (2020, p. 148). On a discursive level, cultural capital is created individually for the fans involved in the creating and sharing of content. On an economic level, information capital is extracted by larger scale industry organizations, including Amazon and Warner Bros Discovery, who measure and filter this activity to create discoverability metrics.
According to data taken from SullyGnome, livestreamers began to preview the release of
Footage taken from Matt and Shelby’s synchronous chat channel captured a broad spectrum of views and opinions that are difficult, if not impossible, to quantify. Like artists reworking billboards for the purposes of calling attention to critiques of corporate strategies, activists redirected conversations about the game into multiple critical dialogues that volunteers tried to moderate. What is clear is that complex and nuanced debates over ownership, trans-allyship, and ethical consumerism went through a series of starts and stops—intermingling with questions and comments about the game—resulting in an overwhelming sense of absurdity and nihilism that became disconcerting for some and humorous for others. In many respects, the comments that flooded Matt and Shelby’s chat were indicative of the ideological tensions and contradictions that have a history of shaping debates over cultural jamming’s relationship with branding and ethical consumption, with multiple critics calling attention to the integration of culture jamming tactics into various forms of marketing and advertising (Harold, 2004). What makes this case different, however, is the immediacy of the livestreamer/influencers by way of the platform. While marketers and advertisers are constantly seeking new relationships with fan subcultures, in the case of Twitch the platform has not only provided the infrastructure for the formation, discovery, and commercialization of new influencer/livestreamer fan subcultures, but also for the automated commercialization of clashes between these subcultures.
Following the backlash that occurred on February 6,
Data on
Analyzing the pre-release and post-release press coverage of
Despite the different circumstances surrounding the
The rippling effect of emotions surrounding the disruption of the
Twitch Chat Bullies Streamer for Playing Hogwarts Legacy
While there is no audiovisual evidence of Shelby crying in the clip, multiple gaming news sources cited it as evidence of bullying (Bilderbeck, 2023; Di Placido, 2023; Thomas, 2023), an interpretation which not only reinforces gender stereotypes, but also unfounded fears over the risks trans activists pose to the safety of women. Bullying, in contrast, is a label proponents of culture jamming have applied to the behavior of children, corporations, and politicians, with Klein (2000) developing the concept of “brand bullying” from the phenomenon of children being teased for wearing non-branded clothes (p. 27). This shift in discourse speaks to the significant roles that reactions from livestreamer/macro-influencers played in the circulation and reproduction of affective intensities through media coverage of the event. Among the various videos released by prominent livestreamers that commented on the boycott, notable examples that received media attention include a clip posted by Zepla, a popular livestreamer of Final Fantasy games, and a clip posted by SilverVale, a popular Vtuber who uses augmented reality technology to perform in the guise of an animated character.
In the first clip, Zepla begins by reading a negative comment she received after announcing her
Zepla’s decision to play
In a similar but slightly different vein, Vtuber SilverVale defended her decision to play the game by citing her fandom for the new trans character, a friendship with a member of the development team, and nostalgia for the comforting escape that the Wizarding World gave her when coping with childhood trauma, while also accusing the protesters of engaging in doxing, death threats, and the overall spreading of hatred. In many respects, SilverVale’s video points to an affective economy of joy and nostalgia, on the one hand, and pain, sadness, and anger, on the other, that was not only driving engagement with the game, but also contributing to the labeling of protesters as sources of hatred within what should have been, from the perspective of SilverVale, a cozy gaming space. While this definition of coziness echoes concerns raised by Sullivan et al. (2023) over the constraints that the aesthetic demands of cozy games are placing on queer forms of expression, it is important to point out that the majority of the comments visible in SilverVale’s livestream feeds were supportive, as SilverVale cited Twitter users as the primary source of her haters.
Following the initial press coverage, Girlfriend Reviews also released a response video that attracted the attention of journalists (Tamburro, 2023). This video included screen shots of social media activity that the couple felt was threatening and unfair, with Shelby also admitting that except a few comments banned by their moderators, the majority of the critiques raised in the chats were valid opinions and not examples of harassment. It is important to point out that footage of the synchronous chat that Shelby was reacting to contained a significant amount of comments which supported the couple and praised the hard work of their moderators. Moderators perform a significant amount of affective labor for livestreamers by acting as de facto community managers for channels that are popular enough to generate substantial chat activity. Most of this labor is invisible, but it plays an instrumental role in the development and management of livestreaming platforms in general and macro-influencer/livestreamer brands in particular.
Livestreamers are tasked with dividing their attention between the game they are playing, the commentary they are providing, and the synchronous chat that is running alongside them, as Taylor (2018, p. 95) points out. When considering the amount of affective labor involved with this process, and the precarious economic positions of livestreamers in general, the fact that negative comments often receive the most significant reactions in cases where the vast majority of viewer comments are supportive is not surprising. It is also not surprising that multiple streamers started releasing clips and reaction videos commenting on the boycott, after the Girlfriend Reviews reddit clip went viral—and that the videos that garnered the most attention focused on the reactions of cis-gendered women while ignoring the perspectives of the protesters.
In summary, the impact that the boycott had on the record-setting viewership of the game is far from clear. What is clear is that there was an affective economy entangled in the boycott that was a driver of engagement—and this economy included but was not limited to protestors clashing with livestreamers, viewers, and anti-protesters; media coverage of livestreamer reactions; live streamer reactions of live streamer reactions; and voyeurs interested in the spectacle. Communications that would have been previously dismissed as noise became key drivers of cultural and economic engagement, in other words, which makes it necessary to conclude by considering the impact that cultural and economic forms of engagement are having on the measuring and valuing of transmedia audiences in general and livestreaming spectators in particular.
Livestreaming and Transmedia Worldbuilding
While the record-breaking Twitch viewership
In Evans’s (2020, p. 4) study of “engagement,” she notes how the word is often used as a “catch all term” to describe audience experiences that could involve interactivity, social media use, community performativity, fandom, market research, the use of video on demand services, and civic participation. For Evans, engagement is a term with fundamentally positive connotations that take on different discursive formations in different industries. But at a macro-industrial level, it assumes the form of a commodity that converts audience experiences into data with the overall goal of creating new monetization opportunities (pp. 126–127). New monetization opportunities are attractive to investors and shareholders—which is why executives from Warner Bros. Discovery linked player engagement to the game’s financial success—and news of this success correlated with a jump in Warner Bros. Discovery’s stock price (Tayeb, 2023).
In the context of livestreaming platforms like Twitch, the case of the
Livestreaming’s emphasis on engagement over attention is subtle but important, especially when considering the anxieties surrounding influencers and content creators, the debates surrounding post-broadcasting audience research (Partin, 2023), and the “complexities and murky practices of platform politics” (Brewer et al., 2023). A key problem stemming from the use of professional influencers in marketing communications is the tension between attention and authenticity, for example, with multiple marketing studies employing a semantics of engagement to correlate macro-influencers with smaller followings with higher perceptions of endorser authenticity (Kapitan et al., 2022; Pöyry et al., 2019). In a similar but slightly different fashion, research on the cultural form of livestreaming uses a semantics of immediacy, authenticity, and engagement to describe a range of emerging personalities (Hamilton et al., 2014), aesthetic strategies (Jodén & Strandell, 2022), and formats (Johnson, 2024a), with Consalvo et al. (2020) going as far as to describe the platform as “an authenticity engine.”
Plenty of livestreamers are building meaningful, authentic relationships on Twitch without chasing viewers or endorsing products. The channels (Girlfriend Reviews, Zepla, and SilverVale) included in this study feature livestreamers who have attained a macro-influencing status, however, which means they have followings that are sizable and monetizable but not too large to the extent where the potential for reciprocal engagement with the chat is non-existent. It is the fostering of this potential for communications that feel reciprocal which requires a significant amount of work, for the potential would not exist without a consistent pattern of engagement that can be difficult (if not impossible) for macro-influencers to separate from the development of a personal brand.
When considering the positive connotations surrounding engagement (and authenticity) in the literature on livestreaming, events like the
In summary, it is important to consider the technical and cultural processes of amplification (Colley & Moore, 2022; Phillips, 2018; Singh, 2018) and attenuation that were occurring during the
Conclusion
What happens when anti-brand activism takes place on a live streaming platform?
The events which occurred during
By applying a case study methodology to a protest which occurred during
