Abstract
Keywords
Introduction
Over the years, linguists have been wondering why some students learn a second language more efficiently than others. They have been wondering why certain individuals quickly achieve native-like competency whereas others find progressing beyond beginner proficiency levels highly challenging. The most commonly asked question in this context is, “What is it that makes a second language learner strive towards goal achievement?” To answer this question, current theories of second language acquisition and learning need to be examined. These theories are based on research in a wide variety of fields, such as linguistics, psychology, sociology, anthropology, and neuro-linguistics (Freeman & Freeman, 2001) and borrow from each other to address questions that researchers have been trying to answer to provide guidance to language teachers and policy makers.
Research has indicated that second language learning is a social–psychological phenomenon, and it is important to carefully consider the conditions under which it takes place. Ellis (1997) argues that both internal and external factors play an integral role in learning a second language. External factors such as the social milieu in which learning takes place include opportunities learners may have to hear and speak the target language. Internal factors, however, include the attitudes learners develop toward the target language and seem to have a much stronger effect on language learning.
Saville-Troike (2006) claims that the question why some learners are more successful than others leads to the examination of differences in the learners themselves. In this context, numerous factors may be examined; however, this particular research focuses on the individual differences that language learners display in terms of language attitudes and motivational orientations. These differences are most important as they directly and indirectly influence the rate, process, and efficiency of language learning.
Background of the Study
Pakistan with a population exceeding 199 million is as much an English-speaking country as it is an Urdu-speaking country (Rahman, 1998). Urdu, an urban language of wider communication, is the national language of the country whereas English is the official language. English is the language of the elite of Pakistan both formally—official interaction, employment, education and so on—and informally (private conversations, entertainment, reading, travel, etc.). It is firmly entrenched into the Pakistani society and considered to be a highly desired language by a vast majority of the population. Hence, English, today, enjoys a high status as the language of education, law, government, science, and technology. It is interesting to note that although English enjoys a high status and is a powerful language, Pakistan is a predominantly ESL (English as a second language) country.
Advocates of English argue for its retention as a language for international communication and as a lingua franca among the country’s provinces. Some conservative groups, however, see English as a symbol of Western culture and as creating inequality among the English-speaking elite and the common masses (Mansoor, 1993).
Over the last few decades, language policy makers in Pakistan have tried time and again to oust English and to replace it with Urdu as the language of government, law, and education (Rahman, 1998). They have supported their claims by labeling English as the language of the colonial masters of the past when Pakistan was a part of India under British rule. In their view, the younger generations do not hold English in high esteem and have highly negative attitudes toward it (Rahman, 1999).
Nevertheless, English is taught in all the schools, and is in fact the medium of instruction in many institutions and has been observed to be a language that the young students are using in not just their school lives but also their private lives (Rahman, 1998). Such contrasting scenarios have been posing numerous difficulties in language policy development and in determining the status and role of English in the Pakistani educational context (Rahman, 1999). Hence, it is of relative importance that the dynamics behind the teaching and learning of English are analyzed before any language teaching or learning policies are formulated (Rahman, 1998).
Research Aims and Objectives
As has been discussed earlier, one of the most important issues in the English learning and teaching scenario is that of the learners’ attitudes toward and their motivations for learning this language. To formulate effective language and education policies, the study of these attitudes and motivations is crucial so that policies and learner needs and motivations are in sync for better language education in the country.
Consequently, it has been emphasized time and again that “instrumental reasons for learning a language display a positive attitude towards one’s own language as well as towards the target language group” (Siguan & Mackey, 1987, p. 89) as opposed to integrative reasons.
This research study attempts to prove this hypothesis to better understand one of the most important variables that affect the second language learning process in Pakistan. The main reason why this variable is so important is that policy makers have quoted integrative orientation as the key motivating factor in the learning of English, hence showing that Pakistani learners are subtractive bilinguals (Rahman, 1999). These views are in direct contrast to the existing research in this area (Abbas, 1998; Mansoor, 1993; Rahman, 1998, 1999). What has happened as a result is that the language policies have been rendered rather unproductive and ineffective and so have adversely affected the second language learning scenario (Rahman, 1998).
Thus, the main aim of this research study is to highlight the learners’ attitudes toward and their motivations for learning English to ensure that language and education policies and learner needs and motivations are in sync for better education in the country.
For this purpose, the article attempts to examine what 16-year-old Pakistani students feel about the learning of English language. This understanding will benefit policy makers as they try to develop sound educational policies.
Moreover, this article also aims to analyze the effects of these attitudes on the motivational preferences of these learners; that is, this study also aims to identify and determine the learners’ motivational orientations.
Hence, the research objectives are as follows:
To examine the attitudes of Pakistani students toward the learning of ESL
To understand the motivational orientations/preferences of Pakistani students by analyzing the effects of the language attitudes that Pakistani students display toward the learning of ESL
A secondary, yet important, objective of this research is to find evidence to support the claim that Pakistani students are additive bilinguals who are not averse to the idea of a language policy that promotes English as the medium of instruction. Hence, this article is simply a starting point in the much-needed research into the role and status of English in the Pakistani educational scenario.
Language Attitudes and Second Language Learning
Social psychologists claim that attitudes exert a directive influence on behavior because someone’s attitude toward a target influences the overall pattern of the person’s responses to that target. Triandis (1971) suggests that attitudes are made up of three components: cognitive, affective, and conative; that is, what a person thinks and feels, and how he or she tends to behave toward an object. These components are often interdependent to a certain extent and interact dynamically with the environment. Ryan and Giles (1982) present a more language-focused view of attitudes as, “any affective, cognitive or behavioural index of evaluative reactions towards different language varieties or their speakers” (p. 7). Similarly, Fasold (1984) maintains that attitudes toward a language are often the reflection of attitudes toward members of various ethnic groups. In addition, Edwards (1982) contributes that an individual’s reactions to a language variety reveals a great deal about his or her perceptions of the speakers of that variety.
In a similar vein, Gardner (1982) suggests that if we know a person’s attitude toward the target language community, that is what he or she thinks and feels about them, then we have a better chance of being able to predict the way he or she will behave toward them. This hypothesis has been the basis underlying most of the research conducted into the relationship among attitudes and Second Language Acquisition (SLA), for example, Gardner and Lambert (1959, 1972); Lukmani (1972); Oller, Baca, and Vigil (1977); and Mansoor (1993). The crucial point in Gardner’s (1985) theory is, therefore, that a student’s attitude toward the target language group will influence how successful he or she will be in incorporating aspects of that language. It is commonly accepted among scholars that language belongs to a person’s whole social being: It is part of one’s identity and is used to convey this identity to other people. Thus, the learning of a second language involves more than learning skills, or a system of rules, or a grammar; it involves an alteration in self-image, the adoption of new social and cultural behaviors and ways of being, and therefore has a significant impact on the social nature of the learner. Hence, Gardner (1985) hypothesized that L2 learners with positive attitudes toward the target culture will learn the target language more effectively than those who do not have such positive attitudes. In their earlier studies, Gardner and Lambert (1959) found that aptitude and motivation were the two factors most strongly associated with learners’ L2 achievement.
According to Latchanna and Dagnew (2009) motivation, attitudes and beliefs about learning a language are among the determining factors that influence a student’s efficiency and must be taken into account when understanding second language learning processes. Lennartsson (2008) postulates that students’ beliefs can be an obstacle if they believe that they cannot learn the new language successfully. Hence, a negative attitude and lack of motivation can lead to obstacles in learning a language (Lennartsson, 2008). In another vein, researchers have indicated that students’ attitudes toward the specific language group and attitudes toward learning it are bound to influence how successful they will be in incorporating aspects of that language—whether that influence takes the form of a cognitive filter as suggested by Dulay and Burt (1977), and Krashen (1981), or whether they simply support a student’s motivations (Gardner, 1985).
Hence, research has indicated that in second language learning contexts, the role of attitudes and motivation is of immense importance (Fishman, 1978). For example, in postcolonial Africa, students may be educated in English or French whereas another language is spoken in the home, and yet another may be used in public encounters (Fishman, 1978). In officially bilingual countries such as Switzerland, students use one language at home and for most schooling, but are expected to acquire competence in at least one other official language; thus, in Switzerland, French and German are of equivalent social status and importance to success.
In the Pakistani community where different languages co-exist, it is imperative to realize that language attitudes play an important role in the lives of the users of these languages. According to Grosjean (1982) “wherever languages are in contact, one is likely to find certain prevalent attitudes of favour or disfavour towards the languages involved. These can have profound effects on the psychology of the individuals and on their use of these languages” (pp. 95-96) and hence on the learning processes of these languages. Therefore, how an individual views another language group affects not only his or her reasons for learning that language, but also his or her motivational intensity.
Motivation, Orientation, and Language Learning
When studying language attitudes, the concept of motives is important. In the context of the study and in the domain of social psychology, motivation is taken to be a construct with three interacting components. These were identified by Gardner (1985) as a combination of a desire to learn an L2, the expenditure of effort to achieve L2 proficiency, and a favorable attitude toward learning the target language. This concept suggests that attitudes and motivation are important because they determine the extent to which individuals will actively involve themselves in learning the language.
Gardner (1979) further hypothesized that it is not possible for an individual with an unfavorable attitude toward acquiring a language to find the high drive, to invest the effort, and to seek out opportunities required to learn. He further adds that “attitude variables are important in that, they serve to maintain levels of motivation . . .” (Gardner, 1985, p. 158).
Another concept of considerable importance in the field of SLA deals with individual orientation, that is, the individuals’ reasons for learning the target language (Siguan & Mackey, 1987). It is easy to understand that motivation is goal-directed behavior, and in this context, the goal is to learn a language. The question that arises here is,
Gardner and Lambert (1972) proposed that an integrative orientation leads to higher motivational levels and more successful learning than instrumental orientation. This theory has been modified by Lukmani (1972) and Mansoor (1993) who have both proven that instrumental orientation leads to more effective learning.
The Conceptual Framework of This Research
This research study rests on theories posited by Mansoor (1993) in her extensive research on language attitudes and motivations in L2 learning in Pakistan. As stated earlier, her framework rests on the hypothesis that instrumental orientation leads to more effective language learning than integrative orientation does. Mansoor’s work stems from her careful study of the social–psychological model proposed by Lambert (1974 in Gardner, 1985). According to this model, a learner’s motivation to acquire a language is determined by his or her attitude toward the target language group and by his or her orientation toward learning the L2. Thus, Mansoor (1993) analyzed learner attitudes toward a target language group while trying to study the learners’ attitudes and orientations toward the learning of the said language.
This article also rests on Gardner’s theory of second language acquisition, where the crucial point to consider is that a student’s attitude toward the target language group will influence how successful he or she will be in incorporating aspects of that language into his or her repertoire (Gardner, 1985). Hence, the conceptual framework of this research study rests on works by Lambert (1974, in Gardner, 1985), Gardner (1985), and Mansoor (1993), with each work highlighting that L2 learners with positive attitudes toward the target culture will learn the target language more effectively than those who do not have such positive attitudes and that a strong instrumental orientation is highly beneficial in this scenario.
The social–psychological model
In his seminal social–psychological model, Lambert (1974, in Gardner, 1985) proposed that the learner’s motivation to acquire a language is said to be determined by his or her attitude toward the target language group and by his or her orientation toward learning the L2. The model is based on a theory of bilingual development and self-identity modification. The theory suggests that linguistic distinctiveness is a basic component of personal identity. This means that the development of L2 proficiency has implications for the learner’s self-identity and vice versa.
Lambert (1974, in Gardner, 1985) suggests that linguistic distinctiveness originates very early in the socialization process, occurring when parents make contrasts between their own and other cultural communities to help their children understand their social identity. Schools reinforce these early perceptions. Consequently, language is seen to play a major role in the development of an individual’s self-identity.
Lambert (1967) argued that students learning a second language must be able and willing to adopt aspects of behavior that characterize members of the target linguistic–cultural group. This involves both cognitive (language aptitude and intelligence) and affective (attitudes and motivation) factors. However, the stress is more on affective factors not just in Lambert’s theoretical model but also in this research; hence, the discussion in this article will not focus on the role of aptitude and intelligence in second language learning.
Figure 1 displays the major components of this model.
Lambert’s social–psychological model.
The social–psychological model proposes that SLA is mediated by a number of variables that include language aptitude and certain attitude and orientation variables, such as ethnocentric tendencies, attitude toward the other language community, and instrumental and integrative orientation (Ellis, 1991). Moreover, as an individual becomes more proficient in the L2, his or her self-identity may undergo a change, which may lead to either additive or subtractive bilingualism.
It is important to note at this point that high motivation can make up for considerable deficiencies both in one’s language aptitude and in learning conditions. In their seminal work, Gardner and Lambert (1972) emphasize that, although language aptitude accounts for a considerable proportion of individual variability in language learning achievement, motivational factors can override the aptitude effect. In certain language environments, as Gardner and Lambert point out, where the social setting demands it (e.g., when the L1 is a local vernacular and the L2 is the national language), many people seem to master an L2, regardless of their aptitude differences.
Attitudes Toward Language Groups
Spolsky (1969) argues that in a second language learning scenario, one of the most important attitudinal factors is the attitude of the learner toward the target language and toward its speakers. A learner who has a positive attitude toward the target language group will exhibit a stronger desire to learn that language as compared with a learner with a negative attitude toward that language.
According to Gardner (1985), the study of attitudes toward languages and language groups includes issues such as group-specific attitudes (attitudes toward language-speaking communities; own ethnic community and other language groups), attitudes toward languages (i.e., the mother tongue and second languages), the extent of the use of all the languages in the repertoire of the individual, and how the functions of the languages are being extended or restricted.
Ethnolinguistic identity
Ethnolinguistic identity is based on a belief that one’s own group is distinctive in socially important ways (Lennartsson, 2008) and that the most important component is cultural distinctiveness. The social identity may be positive or negative according to how in-groups fare in social comparisons with relative out-groups. In this way, language functions as a very sensitive filter through which one’s own perception of self and group and others must pass.
Language maintenance, spread, and shift
Language shift and maintenance are the long-term collective results of language choice. In language shift, a community simply gives up one language completely in favor of another—an effect of subtractive bilingualism (Cooper, 1983). Blommaert (2010) explains that this could be the result of negative attitudes toward one’s language and a low ethno-linguistic identity. However, language shift does not mean that knowledge of the forsaken language has disappeared, but that the relative competence in the two languages has become opposite to what it was earlier.
Cooper (1983) suggests that language spread occurs when one language takes over others as a lingua franca and is used for wider communication. On the whole, such spread is neutral in attitudes when the spread is part of a natural process of adding another language to the existing repertoire. However, when the new language takes over as the mother tongue, the language spread becomes a case of language shift. Hence, positive attitudes engender language loyalty (Blommaert, 2010) and therefore favor maintenance of one’s native language. Cummins and Swain (1986) further maintain that additive bilingualism is directly related to language maintenance, whereas shift displays a subtractive attitude toward the native language. Over time, intense subtractive bilingualism could even lead to language loss or death.
The Research Scenario
This article outlines a small-scale research study conducted to examine the above-mentioned theoretical concepts in the context of the Pakistani school systems. A limited number of participants were randomly selected—fifty-seven 16-year-old Pakistani male students from English-medium government (public) schools and the selected data collection tools were administered over the course of a few days.
To minimize the effects of variables in the research situation, the participants were very carefully selected with respect to their age ranges, socio-economic background, and genders. The aim was to ensure minimum variations in terms of ages, gender, and socio-economic class, hence enhancing the study’s reliability index.
Research Objectives and Questions
As has been discussed earlier, to formulate effective language and education policies, it is crucial to study second language learners’ attitudes and motivations toward the target language. This will ensure that policies reflect learner needs, attitudes, and motivations, and are hence, effective.
Thus, the main aim of this research study was to highlight the learners’ attitudes and their motivational orientations toward learning English to ensure that language and education policies and learner needs and motivations are in sync for better language education in the country (refer to Table 1).
Research Objectives and Questions.
As stated earlier, a secondary objective of this study was to find evidence to support the claim that Pakistani students are additive bilinguals who display instrumental orientations toward the learning of ESL. Thus, these learners are not averse to the idea of a language policy that promotes English as the medium of instruction (in direct contrast to what policy makers believe at the moment).
Limitations of the study
This research study was conducted as a pioneering effort in the study of attitudes and orientations of 16-year-old Pakistani students from public schools. It aimed at opening the door to further research in this field, hence, was small-scale and restricted to one city in the country.
Another limitation of the study was related to data collection. Through the course of this study, it became evident that policy makers were not accessible and unwilling to share the reasons behind their views about the role and status of English. It is rather important to be able to analyze their views if an in-depth study of the role of language attitudes and orientations in language policy development is to be conducted in the future.
Finally, this study was restricted to one socio-economic group. A comparative analysis of the attitudes of different socio-economic classes would have led to results that could be generalized to a greater extent. However, as the objectives of this research were to simply identify the basic attitudes and orientations of students and to simply begin the process of investigation in this domain, the participant group was considered adequate.
Measurement of Attitudes and Motivation
While selecting the methods to collect data, it is imperative to first address several issues in the search for dimensions underlying language attitudes. First, the issue of prime importance is to understand that the type of empirical procedures used in deriving dimensions from rating scales contributes significantly to the ultimate result. Second, because the attitudes toward different languages may vary quite dramatically within a group, it is important to ascertain the critical within-group characteristics and to investigate their interaction with postulated attitudinal dimensions (Mansoor, 1993). Therefore, an important method to use in this scenario is the direct measurement technique, which observes language attitudes through the use of questionnaires, either in written form or via individual interviews (Ryan, Giles, & Sebastian, 1982).
Moreover, it is also important to remember that in a totally indirect method of data collection, the participants are not aware that it is their language attitudes that are being studied, and hence, there are fewer chances of their responses being colored by any biases. Thus, following Blommaert’s (2010) suggestions promoting the use of direct and indirect measures as a cross-validation technique, both direct and indirect measures were used in this study to collect data.
Research Method
The most appropriate methods were selected after a critical review of their advantages and disadvantages as enumerated in Table 2.
Summary of the Research Methodology Used.
Throughout the research study, the emphasis was on the use of multiple data collection tools, thereby combining both qualitative and quantitative methods. The research conducted clearly depicted the many advantages of triangulation where each source of data is seen to contribute an additional piece to the puzzle and in that way complement each other (J. McDonough & McDonough, 1997).
Patton (1990) claims that when investigating human behavior and attitudes, it is most fruitful to use a variety of data collection methods, as the researcher can build on the strength of each type of tool and minimize the weaknesses of any single approach. Thus, in the present research, the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods in the form of survey interviews and direct and indirect questionnaires provides results that could be both statistically valid and theoretically sound.
In relation to the advantages of using questionnaires, Wilson and McLean (1994) postulate that questionnaires provide structured data, are easy to administer without the presence of the researchers, and are often straightforward to analyze. In addition, the research interview provides important qualitative data, and Patton (1990) suggests that when interviews are structured and well organized, they are effective data collection tools.
Direct measures/self-reports
Bilingualism is measured either by reported linguistic behavior by the bilingual speaker himself or herself either in questionnaire or interview form or through observation (Hardford, Valdman, & Foster, 1982). Reported linguistic behavior consists of background data of self-assessment and of the results of measurements of attitudes. Self-reports have often been criticized as being susceptible to extraneous variance (Ryan et al., 1982); however, no empirical evidence has been identified to support this claim. In fact, according to Hardford et al. (1982) self-assessment of an informant’s use of an L2 is a rather reliable method of measuring bilingualism. Nevertheless, the success of self-report techniques for eliciting information depends on the openness and flexibility built into the questions (Agheyisi & Fishman, 1971).
Direct questionnaire (domain analysis)
The collection of background data is the easiest way of acquiring information about the use of languages. In many investigations, the background data show a fairly strong correlation with other measurements of bilingualism (Mansoor, 1993). Macnamara (1966) divides the background questionnaire into five categories, namely, “informant him/herself, father, mother, sibling, and the environment” (pp. 85-87).
In this study, the survey used included statements related to domains such as family, friendship, neighborhood, transactions, education, government, and employment (refer to Appendix B). The informants’ task was to fill in the language he or she most often used for each occasion (grading the frequency of use from one to four—with four indicating the highest frequency). The aim was to analyze their use of English in different domains—both formal and informal. Education, employment, and government were categorized as formal whereas family, friendship, neighborhood, and transactions as more informal domains.
This questionnaire was adapted from Mansoor (1993); however, changes were made that were considered necessary for the context of this research. The questionnaire (refer to Appendix B) included open-ended questions to provide soft” data about issues involved in the research.
Direct questionnaire (Likert-type scale)
A well-known direct measure is the Likert-type scale (Appendix C)—a method of summated ratings. According to Dawes and Smith (1985), a Likert-type scale consists of declarative statements and a number of categories on which the respondents rate their agreement or disagreement. The most common number of categories is seven with a neutral category if required.
Appendix C presents a sample of the questionnaire based on the Likert measurement scale. A total of 35 items were selected, which aimed to provide a well-rounded view of the participant’s attitudes toward the target language. This questionnaire was adapted from Mansoor (1993).
Direct questionnaire (orientation index)
The orientation index in Appendix D was designed to elicit information about the learners’ reasons for studying English and to determine whether their orientation would be classified as integrative or instrumental. This measure was based on a questionnaire developed by Gardner and Lambert (1972). Six integrative and six instrumental reasons were randomly ordered. The participants had to indicate the importance of each reason by marking off one of five possible judgments for each reason, ranging from “most important” to “not at all important.”
Semi-structured and open interviews
This measure consisted of a number of prepared questions on the issue of language proficiency and usage (refer to Appendix E). In addition, the overall desirability of languages for education was also considered. The questions were open-ended to give a soft and qualitative dimension to the study. Although there was a questionnaire format for the interview that was used as the central core, some flexibility was allowed and the research probed deeper into areas of interest especially the role of language in education.
Indirect Identity Scales
Indirect Identity Scales were developed by Spolsky (1969) to measure attitudes. Spolsky (1969) and Oller et al. (1977) suggest that integrative–instrumental orientation may be better measured by this technique that expresses the concept of a continuum between the two orientations. These Indirect Identity Scales were thought to provide an indirect indication of a student’s attitudinal orientation. Oller et al. (1977) suggested that if a student rates a certain trait more highly on the ideal self-scale, it indicates a positive valuation of that trait.
Indirect questionnaire (identity scales)
The Indirect Identity Scale used in this study consisted of four identity scales, namely, ratings for self-concept, ideal self-concept, the Urdu-speaking community, and the English-speaking community. Each part had the same set of 17 traits on a Semantic Differential Scale (Osgood, Suci, & Tannenbaum, 1957). Participants were required to mark the bi-polar traits on a 5-point scale. To protect against order effects, the traits were randomly ordered on the page, with a different order for each of the parts, so that participants would be forced to respond to each part separately. Negative and positive traits were also counterbalanced in the two columns (refer to Appendix A). This questionnaire was adapted from Mansoor (1993).
Validity and Reliability of the Surveys
A meaningful data collection instrument is one that is both reliable and valid. One of the simplest tests of reliability is whether the same questionnaire, administered to the same person twice in a short period of time, yields similar responses (Cohen, Manion, & Morrison, 2000). Belson (1986) asserts that consistent responses suggest reliability, and consistent responses to different items that seek to measure the same behavior provide greater confidence that the questionnaire is reliable. According to Cohen et al. (2000), the issue of the degree of unreliability can also be reduced by using a variety of measuring devices and assessors.
Tests of validity ask whether the interpretation, uses, and actions based on assessment results are appropriate to the purpose and context of the research (J. McDonough & McDonough, 1997). A data collection item is valid to the degree that it actually measures what it claims to measure.
To ensure reliability and validity in this study, not only numerous data collection tools were used (triangulation), but these tools were also tested in a piloting stage. Before the surveys were administered to the participants, the surveys went through a rigorous process of reliability and validity checks with a control group of participants.
Procedure of the Research Study
The participants were randomly selected and were given a preliminary explanation of the purposes of the study before the data were collected in two sessions. The Identity Scales and domain analysis questionnaires were completed in the first session. An interval of half an hour was given between the two sessions, to set off the “fatigue effect.”
In the second session, the participants completed the orientation index and the Likert-type scale questionnaires. After another 15-min break, 10 students were randomly selected for the interviews.
Findings and Discussion
The results of the research study addressed both research questions and clearly highlighted the language attitudes and orientations of Pakistani second language learners.
With respect to the use of language, the results indicated that all the learners belonged to lower-middle income groups and shared a common first language, that is, Urdu. It was found that the participants used a blend of Urdu and English in informal settings, whereas English dominated all of the formal communication (refer to Table 3).
Language Use in Different Domains of Life.
One of the most important findings was that the study revealed highly favorable attitudes toward English and the English-speaking community. These were observed on both the direct and indirect measures as discussed below and indicated positive attitudes toward the learning of English.
A comparative analysis of attitudes toward the Urdu-speaking and the English-speaking communities indicated that the English-speaking community was rated lower than the Urdu community by 90% of the learners. This directly contradicts the assumptions of Pakistani policy makers who claim that because of the use of English, Pakistani students have developed a subtractive attitude toward their native language (Rahman, 1998). This research revealed that although Pakistani learners hold highly favorable attitudes toward English, the positive attitudes are not at the expense of Urdu. Recent research conducted by Islam, Martin, and Chambers (2012) has also disproved the older views that Pakistani students feel Urdu to be at risk if English is to be promoted not only as a medium of instruction but also as a compulsory subject from Grade 1 onward.
Regarding specific traits, the Urdu-speaking community was rated considerably higher on integrative traits such as “interesting, confident, reliable, capable, socially graceful, open and most similar to self.” The traits on which the English-speaking community was rated higher were mainly, instrumental ones such as “modern, successful, independent, happy, high standard of living, bright future, and impressive.” Thus, this research corroborated findings from Norton and Kamal’s (2003) study that young Pakistani learners consider competence in English to be closely related to technological advances and developments in literacy in the future and consider English education to be desirable and highly beneficial from an instrumental perspective.
From this discussion when we try to determine whether Pakistani students are additive bilinguals or subtractive, it is rather obvious from the results that the majority display additive tendencies. Our students value English for its utility and assign it a high status but not at the expense of their first language.
The questionnaire that measured the students’ attitudes toward learning ESL (Appendix C) further reinforced the finding that Pakistani students are additive bilinguals with very positive attitudes toward both English and Urdu (the national language).
Refer to Table 4 for the results of the questionnaire.
Attitudes Toward Urdu and English Using the Likert-Type Scale.
The results indicated that the participants agreed 100% that proficiency in both Urdu and English is an advantage. Although they all believed that proficiency in English is advantageous and important, a vast majority felt more comfortable using their first language in everyday situations.
Hundred percent of the participants claimed that they strongly identified with their mother tongue, first language, and culture. This, among other things, proved the hypothesis that although Pakistani students value English, they are nonetheless additive bilinguals.
As for their views about the importance of Urdu, the results clearly indicated that all of the students believed in promoting Urdu to preserve their culture and felt that the use of Urdu should be promoted throughout the country as it had a strong role to play in the development of Pakistan.
With respect to attitudes toward the English community and the learning of English, the research indicated that the students had highly positive attitudes. Eighty to ninety percent of the students strongly agreed that proficiency in English had direct positive influences on getting a good job and succeeding in their professional lives. Yet, the majority disagreed when asked whether English should always be used in everyday life, on public signs, notices, and advertisements. The students were of the opinion that in all these spheres of life, their national and regional languages should be used.
It was interesting to note that although English was assigned such a high status and given so much importance by the students, 90% of the students strongly disagreed when asked whether they identified with the values and culture of the target language community. They agreed that English has been and continues to be advantageous for Pakistan, yet it does not make up a significant part of their history and identity. Thus, learning English is undertaken purely for utilitarian purposes.
Hence, one of the most important findings was related to the high status that most students assigned to English and its utility in their lives. English was seen as useful in all spheres of life, especially in professional life (refer to Table 5). The students revealed that English is regarded as a status symbol in Pakistan and acquisition of English is seen as necessary for social prestige. In the Pakistani culture, social prestige is synonymous with speaking English and being educated in English. This takes the discussion to another area—that of the preferred medium of education. However, this will be discussed later. Overall, most students regarded English as “a passport to progress and success.”
Utilitarian Value of English.
Results on the orientation index and the other direct questionnaires revealed that all learners were more instrumentally motivated than integratively motivated to learn English. The students scored an overall mean score of 4.222 on instrumental reasons and 3.132 mean score on integrative reasons; thus, the instrumental scores were higher. When a
The most important instrumental reasons were as follows: “it is the working language of my future career,” “reading advanced technical literature,” and “travelling abroad” (refer to Table 6).
Motivational Orientations in Rank Order.
The two integrative reasons with the lowest scores for learning English were “thinking and behaving like the English-speaking community” and “being friendly with the English-speaking community.” This displays little or no desire on the part of the learners to identify themselves with the English community or to integrate with them at the expense of their own community and identity. When the reasons for the low scores were analyzed, it was revealed that in the students’ views, these reasons imply a clear rejection of the norms of Pakistani society and question their loyalty to their own community, which the students find quite unacceptable.
One of the secondary purposes of this study was to analyze the issue of the medium of instruction in Pakistan. Research has shown that in the past, English as a medium of instruction was considered to be a luxury reserved for the higher income sectors of society (Rahman, 1998). The medium of instruction for public and government-run schools was Urdu, and the students viewed English-medium instruction as a betrayal of their native culture and values (Mansoor, 1993).
More recent works (Memon, 2007; Rahman, 2002, 2004), however, have indicated a shift in this attitude. Because English has gained popularity as a language for development, attitudes have changed with respect to its purposes. It is no longer seen as a language that will lead toward a shift in the status of Urdu but as a language that is necessary to progress in the world (Islam et al., 2012).
Hence, its role as a lingua franca has led to a shift in the attitudes of policy makers who earlier regarded English-medium education as a threat to national integration and development (Shamim, 2011). Policy makers, following in the footsteps of Pakistani students, are just now beginning to see the value of introducing English as a medium of instruction in public and government schools.
This research study also indicated this trend toward English-medium instruction. The students displayed highly positive attitudes toward English as a medium of instruction. They were of the view that a change from Urdu-medium to English-medium education does not indicate any negative attitudes toward Urdu or a lowering of its prestige. This change, according to the students, is simply a necessary requirement if Pakistani students are to compete on an equal footing with the students from the rest of the world. This will automatically be advantageous to Pakistan as English may be a powerful vehicle for promoting dialogue, unity, and reduction of the divide between developed and underdeveloped countries (Islam et al., 2012).
Figure 2 depicts the opinions of the participants with respect to the case of the medium of instruction. As is evident, a larger percentage of students preferred English as a medium of instruction over Urdu. The vast majority, however, indicated that schools should provide students with a choice between selecting Urdu or English as a medium of study. This would empower students, and they would feel that their opinions matter to policy makers.
Medium of instruction.
It is essential to note at this point that when students preferred being given the opportunity to choose their medium of study, 80% of them indicated that they would choose English over Urdu. This simply reinforces the finding that English is now the preferred medium of instruction.
Table 7 highlights the reasons that the students presented for preferring English over Urdu as a medium of instruction. Other than the obvious reason regarding the status of English as a lingua franca and its role in opening doors for future opportunities for the students, the interviews revealed that students have other reasons for their preference. The students listed numerous difficulties in Urdu-medium studies, mainly, lack of materials and untrained teachers, and less access to valuable literature and developments in various walks of life (refer to Table 7).
Reasons for English as the Preferred Medium of Instruction as Indicated in the Questionnaires and Interviews.
Finally, the results implied a language spread in the case of both Urdu and English.
In most cases, it was observed that English was used dominantly along with Urdu in both informal and formal spheres of life. Therefore, the L1 is being maintained even with rapid spread of the L2, namely, English.
An important factor in the case of the spread of English is the high status it enjoys. It has been the second official language till 1972 and is used along with Urdu for all official purposes (Rahman, 1998). It is seen as necessary for upward economic and social mobility and as a symbol of progress and modernization.
The study revealed another very interesting finding related to the status and role of English in Pakistan and the subsequent attitudes of students toward the learning of English. Research has indicated that in countries where English is a foreign language, the nature and strength of the citizens’ affiliations for their own country may have consequences for their motivation to learn English (Islam et al., 2012). In Japan, for example, Rivers (2011) found significant correlations between nationalism and positive attitudes toward learning English. These results can be explained in terms of the belief of many Japanese that English is an important tool for internationalizing their country while also asserting Japanese distinctiveness in the world outside. Similar research in China also suggests that a possible motivation to learn English is the perception that it may play a vital role in promoting Chinese identity and culture to the world (Orton, 2009). In addition, Al-Haq and Smadi (1996) found that Saudi Arabian students do not consider English to be a threat to their national identity or religious commitment; rather, they see learning English as a religious and national duty because the language could be used to promote and spread their cultural and religious beliefs.
In Pakistan, most of the research leans in the opposite direction where English is seen as a threat to national integration and as the main reason behind the decline in the popularity of the national language leading to a negative shift in the status of Urdu (Haque, 1993). This is in direct opposition to the findings of this research and the perspective put forth by Shamim (2011) in her research studies where she describes a widespread perception of English as the language for development at both the individual and national levels, which has “overtaken issues of class, identity, and fear of cultural invasion from an erstwhile colonial language” (p. 293). Recent progressive political leadership has called knowledge of English “an urgent public requirement” (Jalal, 2004, p. 24) on democratic grounds, and a new English language policy has recently instigated the teaching of English from Grade 1 in most public schools in the hope of promoting the language among the less privileged groups studying in public-sector institutions (Shamim, 2011). What is required now is a policy where English gets the status of a medium of instruction in all public schools.
Overall, the study revealed that Pakistani students display a positive psycholinguistic distinctiveness. The learners seem to strive to achieve a positive identity by not only seeking dimensions that afford favorable comparisons with out-groups, but regard their own language as something worth having, and as necessary for their national identity.
Implications and Recommendations
According to Mueen (1992), countries have two dimensions of language policy: first, to spread their languages to as many people and groups as possible, and second, to learn foreign languages to secure their national interests through diplomacy, intelligence gathering, trade, and so on. Hence, language policies should be formulated after in-depth research into the language needs and attitudes of the populace to ensure that both attitudes and policies are in sync for effective results (Mueen, 1992).
Research into the language situation in Pakistan has shown a mismatch among the attitudes of Pakistani students toward the languages in their repertoire and the language policies that exist in the country (Haque, 1993).
The role of English in Pakistan has been studied by Anjum Riaz ul Haque (1993), Shemeem Abbas (1998), Sabiha Mansoor (1993), and Tariq Rahman (1998, 2002). The first two writers merely touch on the role of English in the country in their survey articles. Sabiha Mansoor, however, has conducted two major studies on the attitudes of students toward languages. Her surveys suggest that students have a linguistic hierarchy in mind with English at the top, followed by Urdu and their mother tongues. She found that English is associated with modernity, efficiency, and as a means for future advancement (Mansoor, 1993). Her studies have revealed positive attitudes toward English, not just as an important second language to excel at but also as a medium of instruction. Hence, English is seen as a means for empowerment both at the personal and professional levels.
Mansoor’s (1993) research and Rahman’s (2002) studies along with this research have clarified that young Pakistani students not just view English as the sole means of empowerment but also value Urdu and agree on its role in numerous areas of importance in personal and professional lives—they are hence, additive bilinguals.
This is another interesting revelation that this study highlights. Pakistani students are clearly additive bilinguals, as their first language Urdu, a highly valorized language, is given a great boost in the country for the purposes of national integration, and learning a second language (English), another highly valorized language, poses no threat to their L1 or language community.
The misinformed policy makers have been trying to oust English as the official language and to replace it with Urdu (Abbas, 1998). They have based this action on the claim that Pakistani students feel that English is a threat to their national identity and integration. According to these policy makers, students view the spread of English as a sign of language shift with respect to Urdu (Abbas, 1998). They have deliberately, or through ignorance, not realized that the Pakistani students understand and respect the role of English in their lives. Students now do not view English as the weapon of the elite used to create divisions in society but as a tool that will in fact bridge the gap between the well-educated, Westernized urban elite, and the common masses of students who are equally brilliant but suffer nonetheless in the job market because of their lack of proficiency in English (Memon, 2007). These students believe that through the study of English and in the medium of English, such disadvantages could be eliminated. The students from public-sector schools and universities could come up to par with the private school students with respect to language skills (Memon, 2007). There exists no doubt in the minds of students that English, being an international lingua franca, is the key to accessing better professional opportunities.
Another myth undermined by the results of the study is that Urdu should be the sole medium of instruction as English is harmful to Urdu. In fact, the study revealed highly positive attitudes toward English as a medium of instruction. Students are in favor of English-medium education because they feel that many more doors will open for them if they were to study in a language that is now the language of international markets. Research has indicated that there exists great discrimination between Urdu-medium and English-medium students regarding job opportunities (Abbas, 1998), and the attitude of the employer displays a clear bias in favor of English-medium students (Memon, 2007). Hence, English-medium study will ensure that students from the public sector are on an equal footing with students from private English-medium schools and will have access to the same opportunities and will not be left behind. Hence, it is a tool for social mobility.
This in no way means that these students do not wish to study Urdu or that they value it less. This research has clarified that students believe Urdu to be a part of their national identity and agree to its high status and important role in life and that English is in no way a threat to Urdu.
Thus, the study shows that there are no conflicting loyalties regarding the study of English and Urdu. Despite the strong desire to learn English for instrumental reasons, the status of Urdu remains secure. Urdu is seen as a symbol of national integration, and all the learners display integrative attitudes.
Hence, the study points out that students want bilingual education; that is, they want to study both English and Urdu to fulfill different needs. Urdu is hailed as a symbol of national identity, and English is desired because of its great instrumental value in higher education, international communication, and economic gains and progress.
Conclusion
It has been evident that the attitudes of Pakistani students have changed radically from ambivalence and hostility to English as a symbol of colonial rule during the first few decades after independence, to an enthusiastic acceptance of English today. As far as English is concerned, the “colonial hangover” (Rahman, 1999, p. 155) is over. Not a single learner in the study rejected English on the basis that English is the language of the colonial masters—the English people. The findings lend support to Kachru’s (1986) observations that the “colonial association of English and its Western cultural values are now underemphasised. Instead what seems to be stressed is the power of English as an instrument of individual and societal transformation” (p. 110). This research showed that English is now considered the language of globalization and considered essential for an individual eager to enter the international market.
As stated earlier, language policies despite trying their utmost to oust English and replace it with Urdu have failed because of the positive attitudes of the students toward English (Rahman, 1999). The students want English education and feel cheated if they are deprived of it. Hence, English should not be the monopoly of the elite private school students but should spread out to the masses as a tool for empowerment. Thus, policy makers should not feel threatened by its existence and in fact use it to further the cause of Urdu as the language of national integration.
In addition, policy makers should promote the concept of additive bilingualism and in fact try and eliminate any attitudes that may hinder the spread of English. Only then will the attitudes and needs of the students be in sync with the policies. Thus, policies will finally prove beneficial to the students, making the education process more effective.
In light of the research, it may be suggested that language planning in Pakistan should aim at “cultural pluralism,” rather than “assimilation,” which recognizes the cultural and social diversity of different language groups, but which nevertheless seeks to create a political and economic unity for them (Haque, 1993). Based on the study, a two-language formula catering to the different needs of the learners appears to be suitable: (a) Urdu for national identity and as a link language, and (b) English as a world language and as a language for development.
Very positive attitudes toward Urdu indicate that it is suitable as a national official language for integrative reasons. However, the great instrumental need for English makes it suitable for a second official language. As a result, bilingual educational programs should be introduced and followed, where an option is provided to the learners regarding the choice of the medium of instruction.
To promote additive bilingualism, it is recommended that education be initiated in the national language as well as in the L2 simultaneously. The bi-literate bilingual program defined by Fishman is recommended as most appropriate and useful in this Pakistani context. This group maintenance program would encourage a stable bilingual community (Fishman, 1972).
Finally, a detailed larger scale study into the attitudes, orientations, and the motivational intensity and achievement levels of Pakistani students is recommended to shed more light on this important issue. This will result in gathering data that will assist in drafting workable language and educational policies.
It is common knowledge that the education system in Pakistan is in a crisis—for numerous reasons—but many aspects of this crisis are directly related to the language policies (Mueen, 1992). A clear language policy that aims to promote the learning of English for instrumental purposes will be the right step in the direction of resolving this crisis.
It is important to remember that the aim here is not to replace one language with another but to adopt a better approach of a parallel language system, with the caveat, however, that the roles of these languages be demarcated and defined to avoid any instances of dominance of one language over another leading to a language shift. Hence, we need a policy that removes the communication impasse and creates an egalitarian society to have equal rights of education, employment, and good living just as illustrated by the views and attitudes that the students in this study displayed.