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Abstract

The purpose of this research is to ascertain how occupational attitudes and background characteristics shape police recruit perceptions of policing people from diverse communities categorized by variations in racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, and gender identities. Applying an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression model, data categorized into two groups (occupational attitudes and background characteristics) were collected from police recruits (N = 946). Results suggest police recruits are significantly influenced by superior officers, the level of pride they have in their job, and their awareness of temperament and are cognizant of rule breaking when policing diverse community members, and ethnic minority self-identified recruits are significantly more likely to be aware of negative influences on proper conduct (such as lack of pride in their work, negativity of senior officers toward policing diverse people, and likelihood of rule breaking) when policing members of diverse groups than other recruits. The lessons learnt from this Australian research offer new insight into how police recruit perceptions of policing members of diverse groups are shaped.

Keywords

police recruits misconduct bias training

Introduction

Awareness training sessions are facilitated at police academies to foster levels of knowledge regarding policing of minority groups, as well as target levels of implicit bias police officers may display toward certain groups or individuals when involved in community-oriented policing. Like other police organizations across the world, however, Australian police organizations vary in the type and depth of training police officers receive regarding policing of diverse communities and misconduct-related training (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018; Spencer, Charbonneau, & Glaser, 2016). This is problematic given that interaction with members of diverse communities adds complexity to the specification of police services offered by law enforcement, and in the expectations of police awareness of these groups (Miles-Johnson, 2016a, 2016b). Misconduct often happens when police officers are placed in stressful situations and/or during engagement with members of the public when feeling threatened (such as policing in high-crime areas or minority-concentrated areas or neighborhoods; Lee & Gibbs, 2015). The nature of police work therefore creates exceptional pressures and temptations for officers to engage in highly diverse forms of misconduct (Porter & Prenzler, 2016), which raises a question regarding whether professional standards outlined during training at the academy can be maintained during professional engagement. It poses a challenge for police organizations regarding whether specialized police training can overcome police job-related attitudes formed over time or shape background characteristics which may influence professional conduct.

The Current Study

To better understand police officer perceptions of policing diverse people, this article examines whether occupational attitudes and background characteristics influences police recruit perceptions of policing people from diverse communities identified by race, ethnicity, religion, sexuality, and gender difference. Data were collected from population of 946 police officers employed within one of the largest police organizations in Australia to understand their perceptions of professional engagement with diverse communities while undergoing preservice awareness training. To answer the research question—“How do occupational attitudes and background characteristics of police recruits shape their perceptions of policing diverse people while undergoing awareness training?”—we applied an ordinary least squares (OLS) regression to examine the effects of 12 variables (categorized into two groups—occupational attitudes and background characteristics) on recruit perceptions of professional engagement when policing diverse community members. The results from this study offer new insight into Australian recruit perceptions of policing diverse community groups, an area hitherto underresearched in Australia and in the extant literature regarding policing of minorities. In addition, this study informs police practice, police recruitment, and police training because it identifies ways in which police organizations can shape or adjust training policies and procedures in relation to determining or understanding police recruit levels of implicit bias toward minority group members.

Literature Review

Police Training, Recruits, and Misconduct

Reflected in mission statements, targets, and goals created to meet the needs of multiracial and multicultural communities (Walker & Archbold, 2013), many police organizations are focused on service-oriented policing approaches and, as such, develop and/or include awareness training of diverse groups within their police training curriculum (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). In most police organizations, police training and programs of study are facilitated by the police academy, either as an initial training program for new recruits or as part of an officer’s ongoing professional development. As such, the police academy has the potential to instill knowledge that police officers can effectively apply to a wide variety of situations.

For recruits, it is argued training at the academy must be effective in instilling strong values, which adhere to operational guidelines employed by police organizations, so that police recruits are molded into competent officers, who can continue to uphold rules and regulations upon graduation (Miles-Johnson, 2016a). However, Fridell (2016) argues that to change how police interact with diverse communities, it is not only the officers who need to be correctly trained but also the training procedures they receive need to be transformed. Ford (2003) and Chappell and Lanza-Kaduce (2010) argue police training programs can accomplish this if they facilitate combined classroom learning with on-the-job curriculum, which teaches recruits how to maintain their preacademy levels of integrity throughout training and into the field. Some scholars have suggested misconduct may be overcome if police training programs are aligned with principles which underpin concepts supporting “adult learning,” using active rather than passive learning initiatives to enhance independent learning of people (see Birzer, 2003; Birzer & Tannehill, 2001; Glasgow & Lepatski, 2012; McCoy, 2006; Mugford, Corey, & Bennell, 2013; Vodde, 2012). Yet within basic skills training, most police recruits are only taught cognitive and decision-making competencies. Little emphasis is placed on how to develop analytical skills or how to engage and/or reason with diverse groups of people using communication skills to manage problematic situations (Chappell & Lanza-Kaduce, 2010).

It is argued being able to identify strategies to de-escalate situations will reduce the likelihood of misconduct occurring during professional engagement, and it will enable officers to feel more confident in their own abilities to police diverse groups, thereby preventing or reducing codes of silence regarding police misconduct (Fridell, 2016; Hassell, 2016). De-escalation and communication training programs form an integral part of officer training packages within many Australian and global police organizations (Ogloff & Thomas, 2014). Research suggests de-escalation training (and the associated skills an officer acquires during training), fundamentally underpin philosophies supporting community-oriented policing practices (Oliva, Morgan, & Compton, 2010). Community-oriented policing practices are built on the premise that officers should be trained and equipped to deal with diverse communities (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). As such officers competent in community-oriented policing techniques will be able to form relationships with diverse citizens and are more likely to engage professionally when policing different people (Paoline, Terrill, & Rossler, 2015).

Basham (2014) argues that to increase officers’ positive perceptions of community policing, especially in relation to professional conduct when policing diverse community members, excellence in policing must begin with training at the academy level. Academy training, therefore, prepares officers to face the operational complexities of policing in the modern world. It is pivotal in the success of police–public relations and perceptions of professional conduct (Smith, 2015) because over the course of a career, police officers are exposed to situations and people who may cause them to question initial training received at the academy or alter values officers hold central in relation to professional practice.

It may be that police training (and specifically cultural awareness training) may have very little effect on forms of misconduct, but training programs addressing cultural awareness might counter negative background characteristics, levels of explicit and implicit bias officers have toward different groups of people. Identifying strategies to prevent misconduct and maintain awareness of professional conduct toward diverse people is challenging but not impossible. Although it is argued prevention of misconduct can be maintained throughout police awareness training at the academy, identifying strategies to prevent misconduct also begins with police organizations actively seeking certain background characteristics and qualities in the selection of recruits (Henson, Reyns, Klahm, & Frank, 2010).

Background Characteristics

Because of misconduct-related complaints, police organizations are aware of the need to screen applicants before recruit training begins, thereby identifying potential candidates with certain background characteristics and/or psychological traits that would more likely to engage in misconduct, use excessive force or break rules, than officers who can endure certain situations where discretion is needed (Phillips & Sobol, 2011). Numerous police organizations around the globe (e.g., the New York Police Department in the United States and the Metropolitan Police in the United Kingdom) as well as across Australia (e.g., Queensland Police Service, Victoria Police, New South Wales Police) utilize detailed background checks and specialized psychological tests to screen applicants believed to have a balanced temperament and/or possessing a principled moral character (Henson et al., 2010) and who possess background characteristics considered to be a protective factor regarding preventions of misconduct such as level of education prior to police and/or community work or vocational training.

In Australia, reducing risk factors (while strategically targeting protective factors) associated with police misconduct starts begins during the recruitment process. For example, applicants with a history of deviance such as the possession of a criminal record are not eligible to apply to work as a police officer in Australia and are disqualified from being considered for the role (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2018). In addition, if there is evidence showing documented problems regarding deviance in previous employment, an applicant is rejected as a potential recruit (Miles-Johnson, 2016a, 2016b). Screening out applicants with prior criminal histories and prior employment problems enables police organizations in Australia to significantly reduce the probability of hiring officers likely to engage in misconduct (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2018). Although this process is not exclusive to or limited to police recruitment in Australia, it does enable police organizations to actively seek qualities in the selection of recruits which may enhance their abilities to deal professionally with complex situations and diverse communities in the field (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018).

One strategy implemented by police organizations around the globe (implemented over and above police training programs initiated to increase officer’s awareness of minority group members) is to diversify the workplace and personnel of officers (Colvin, 2014; Mennicke, Gromer, Oehme, & MacConnie, 2018). According to research by Colvin (2014) and Miles-Johnson (2016b), to adequately respond to and protect all citizens, law enforcement organizations need to reflect the demographics of the communities they serve in terms of the number of officers employed from diverse groups. Recruiting individuals from minority groups into police agencies has become a priority for many police organizations (Lee & Gibbs, 2015). Yet despite exerted efforts to recruit across communities, police agencies are unable to strategically recruit people from diverse groups generally and are unable to effectively deploy specifically diverse officers into the community to police members of diverse communities during police–citizen encounters (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). The strategic recruitment drive of police agencies to not only recruit more culturally diverse people but also to recruit people from specific racial and ethnic groups has meant the numbers of diverse police officers are slowly increasing (Shjarback, Decker, Rojek, & Brunson, 2017). In Australia, many police organizations strategically employ people who identify with culturally diverse communities such as members of Asian, Sudanese, or Muslim communities, as well as people from other diverse groups such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer (LGBTIQ) self-identified people (Miles-Johnson, 2016b).

Although the body of literature regarding differences between officers’ race and ethnicity, religion and sexuality, and perceptions of policing and job-related attitudes in Australian contexts is lacking, some U.S. studies suggest there are distinct differences between officers who identify as members of diverse groups (based on race and ethnic identifiers) and officers who identify with majority populations, and perceptions of policing work (see Sun, 2003; Weisburd, Greenspan, Hamilton, Williams, & Bryant, 2000). One argument suggests differences in policing attitudes between officers distinguished by racial difference is due to differential socialization and experiences gained while working as a police officer. Under this idea, minority group identified officers are more likely to be deployed to neighborhoods which reflect their identity (see Barlow & Barlow, 2000), and if an officer is deployed within his or her own minority community (or majority community), the officer may feel more connected to the citizens being policed thereby providing a nuanced or different police service to this group than to other members of the community (see Sun, 2003). Another argument is that differences in policing attitudes between officers distinguished by racial difference starts at the police academy during socialization and training processes as the transmission of negative experiences, marginality, and discrimination imparted by fellow officers who identity in the same way may shape the way minority group identified recruits (and majority group identified recruits) perceive policing work (Miles-Johnson, Mazerolle, Pickering, & Smith, 2018). However there is little research examining this in an Australian context.

Research by Lee and Gibbs (2015) argues that reducing the “social distance” between members of the public and police (or the subjective perception of distance members of the public have with the police in terms of experiences and culture) decreases citizen’s levels of negativity associated with police officers and/or policing practices. This idea underpins many community-oriented policing strategies employed by police organizations as the central idea of these strategies is to increase citizens’ support for the police by reducing social distance. Although this idea is primarily focused on U.S. citizen’s perceptions of the police, and “race” is the determinant factor which determines outcomes of public–police engagement (Lee & Gibbs, 2015), the idea of reducing social distance from the perspective of police officers toward members of the public (with diversity in all forms as the determinant factor) has merit. This is particularly salient when determining how police officers and police organizations can improve officer’s perceptions of policing (principally, policing of minority groups) because when officers view greater social distances between themselves and minority groups, minority group members are typically viewed as more dangerous than people from majority groups (Barlow & Barlow, 2000; Lee & Gibbs, 2015; Miles-Johnson, 2016a, 2016b). Certainly in Australia, like parts of the United Kingdom and the United States, this has been found with members of minority groups identified by differences in race and ethnicity, resulting in racial profiling, which in turn further distances police from members of the public identified in this way (Lee & Gibbs, 2015).

The nature of police work means it frequently happens away from public view and, at times, occurs without the presence, influence, or control of superior officers (Porter & Prenzler, 2016). When low visibility policing transpires (such as when an officer works alone without direct supervision), research determines background characteristics form significant predictors (or risk factors) associated with misconduct, particularly, when officers are confronted with situations that require discretionary policing practices or decision-making processes (Kane & White, 2009). For example, lack of discretion during police citizen encounters (such as stop and search) and excessive use of force can be influenced by background characteristics particularly if an officer has levels of explicit bias (based on hostile stereotypes) or implicit bias (stereotyping certain groups in relation to crime or related traits such as violence or hostility) toward certain groups (Fridell, 2016). In the United States for example, although numerous citizens complain about police misconduct and poor treatment during police–citizen encounters, members of minority groups identified by differences in race, and/or ethnicity (such as members of the African American community and members of the Hispanic and Latino community), experience higher levels of differential policing resulting in frequent cases police of misconduct (see Barlow & Barlow, 2000). This has also been an ongoing issue in Australia, with many minority group members identified by differences in race and ethnicity (e.g., Indigenous Aboriginal Australians and Sudanese-African Australians), difference in sexuality and/or gender difference (e.g., members of the LGBTIQ communities), and differences in religion (such as members of the Muslim community) also experiencing numerous incidents of police misconduct (see Goodman-Delahunty, 2010; Hebbani & McNamara, 2010; Miles-Johnson, 2016a, 2016b; White, 2009).

As stated, when officers engage with members of the public in high-stress situations and/or if an officer feels threatened by members of the public or by the context of particular policing situations, police misconduct can occur (Lee & Gibbs, 2015). There is, for example, a wide body of research from the United States which examines how the intersection of race and officer’s perceptions of neighborhood threat in relation to minority groups identified by racial difference influence police officer discretion in terms of engaging in misconduct (see Novak & Chamlin, 2012; Smith & Holmes, 2014; Weitzer & Tuch, 2005). Although this type of problem may only be relevant to officer behavior which emerges during (or from) experiences officers glean throughout the course of their careers, it is important to note that perceptions of misconduct in context may also be influenced not only by policing in context but also by the background characteristics an officer possesses. For example, it has also been argued background characteristics such as upbringing, parental imprinting, morals, and values also influence an officer’s judgments of individuals or groups through processes of misinformation and misattribution (Spencer et al., 2016). Research by Miles-Johnson (2016a), Miles-Johnson et al. (2018), and Miles-Johnson and Pickering (2018) determined processes of misinformation and misattribution significantly influence police officer perceptions of interaction and engagement with minority group members in Australia. However, MacVean and Cox (2012) and Reiner (2010) argue police attitudes toward minority group members are not only shaped by an officer’s background characteristics but also formed by occupational attitudes gained over time during different facets of police work, distinct experiences gained in the workplace, associations with different types of people, and the influence of senior officers and police culture.

Occupational Attitudes: Police Culture and the Influence of Senior Officers

Wolfe and Piquero (2011) and Porter and Prenzler (2016) argue that police culture is often cited as an important impediment preventing police officers from following codes of conduct, thereby allowing officers to follow informal norms of behavior and engage in misconduct despite formal rules and control mechanisms implemented by police departments. Previous research by Caldero and Crank (2011) indicates many police officers are not necessarily corrupted by the nature of the work or by negative aspects of police culture but can alter their approach to policing and perceptions of professional conduct when faced with a moral dilemma. For example, in certain situations, a police officer may act in a way which (although contravening rules and regulations) may lead them to believe their action is honorable. Length of service and time spent within aspects of police culture are also known to have an adverse effect on perceptions of professional conduct (Alain & Gregoire, 2008; Cope, 2004; McCoy, 2006). They have also been found to have a negative impact on the level of integrity recruits possess at the start of their careers.

Reiner (2010) supports this idea and states causal factors relating to police work influence many new recruits and veteran police officers to alter values and moral standards during different times in their professional life. As stated, this may be based on job-related attitudes shaped by experiences, but it may also be based on perceptions of interaction with certain groups in society such as engagement with minority group members (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). However, the discourse regarding what police officers say in open and private settings to satisfy police organizations is still emerging in much of the police literature, particularly, in relation to perceptions of misconduct and diverse community groups. Waddington (1999) argues this is a gap which needs further analysis because the difference between police talk and police practice in front and back–stage contexts must be considered when examining police attitudes and misconduct with different groups of people.

New recruits and police officers at different levels and stages of their career are heavily influenced by front and back–stage police talk, and the attitudes and practices of supervisors (Haas, Van Craen, Skogan, & Fleitas, 2015). At the onset of police training and at the start of their careers, police recruits are extremely service oriented and highly ethical in their approach to policing (Blumberg, Giromini, & Jacobson, 2016). Yet research indicates front and back–stage policing practices expressed by superior officers and postacademy trainers such field training officers have a direct influence on recruit perceptions of professional conduct and misconduct and, therefore, plays a pivotal role in shaping new officers’ core operational belief systems (Donner & Jennings, 2014). The influence of senior officers on police recruits has been widely researched (see Herbert, 1998; Weisburd et al., 2000; Westmarland, 2005), and it suggests police organizations exert heavy influence over the behavior of their officers and new recruits, which may directly (through policies and supervision) or indirectly (through values and culture) impact upon their perceptions of professional conduct and misconduct (Donner & Jennings, 2014).

Attributed to the lack of effective content while training, Blumberg et al. (2016) argue police recruits are inundated with explicit stories and implicit messages about unethical behavior by superior officers. Typically, senior officers impart knowledge based on experience and skills acquired in the field, and research indicates occupational outlook and working style accrued over time greatly affects and influences new police officer’s perceptions of conduct when entering the field (Weisburd et al., 2000; Westmarland, 2005). Donner and Jennings (2014) found that senior officers not only have an impact on the perceptions of new officers regarding professional conduct and misconduct but also have a significant impact on new police officers and subsequent allegations of misconduct in the field. Research by Haarr (2001) also suggests that although recruits undertake initial training as well as upon graduation from the academy, they are encouraged by senior officers or field training officers to “follow by example” and ultimately forget everything learned at the academy as they are mentored by an “experienced officer.” Research by Chan, Devery, and Doran (2003) argues that this raises questions about the communication which takes place between supervisors and recruits, especially if the communication is led by “bad apples” or senior officers socializing new recruits into accepting norms of behavior which do not follow operational guidelines. Furthermore, research by Miles-Johnson (2016a, 2016b) argues this has a negative effect on recruit attitudes toward engagement with diverse community members as perceptions of police engagement with certain groups will be formed before field training commences and before any potentially positive interaction between police and minority group members could take place (Miles-Johnson, 2016b).

Data and Method

Study Design

Before beginning field placement, all trainee police officers attend 33 weeks of instruction at the police academy of one of the largest police organizations in Australia (de-identified for ethical reasons). During this instruction period, all police officers receive awareness training, which includes lectures and practical operational skills facilitated by senior officers experienced in responding to policing of minority groups. This includes operational standards, organizational expectations, and policing guidelines relating to officer’s attitudes, recognition of organizational values, and awareness of standards of professional conduct and misconduct when policing minority group members. Each awareness training session was identical in the way it was taught, and all the sessions were facilitated by the same members of the training team; nonetheless potential disparities in the participant’s answers were considered in the final analysis as the class a recruit attended could have a significant impact on the results of the study. However, preliminary analysis of the results indicated that there were no significant differences between each of the classes and the participant’s responses. As such “class attendance” was not included in the final analysis. The participants were informed that participating in the survey was not a test and all officers were encouraged to be honest in their responses. All participants were informed that their responses were anonymous and would not impact on their professional relationship with the police organization.

The Sample/Population

The survey was administered to 40 classes of police recruits (each class contained 25 officers) via an online survey link made available by the police academy on iPads given to recruits as part of their policing equipment. The possible pool of respondents therefore was 1,110 participants, producing a final response rate of 94.6%. However, a total of 946 respondents completed the survey, and 24 cases of demographic information were lost from the final data set when the academy’s Wi-Fi lost connection to the server. The sample included 67.5% males (n = 622) and 32.5 % females (n = 300). The gender characteristics of the police recruits in this research correspond with the overall population gender characteristics of the police organization as the de-identified police organization has a larger number of male police officers 77.8% (n = 11,213) than female police officers 22.2% (n = 3,201). The ages of the recruits ranged from 19 to 55 years, and the average age of all the participants was 29 years. A very small number of participants (5.5%; n = 51) identified as a member of a minority racial group or as a member of a minority ethnic group (5.6%; n = 52). The racial and ethnic characteristics of the police recruits in this research correspond with the overall race and ethnic characteristics of the police organization as the de-identified police organization has a small number of police officers who identify as a member of a minority group identified by race or ethnicity (9.5%; n = 1,375). Almost all the participants stated they are heterosexual and in a relationship at the time of the research.

Although applicants over the age of 21 years are not required to have completed specific levels of education prior to joining the Australian police organization (and there are no prerequisite subjects and no specific educational admissions requirements needed for entry eligibility), all the participants reported having completed prior education before starting police academy training. Although it is acknowledged that the influence of education has been found to influence police misconduct (see Paoline et al., 2015), this study was more concerned whether prior education level achieved (as a background characteristic) shapes recruit perceptions of policing of diverse people. However, preliminary analysis of the results indicated that there were no significant differences between level of prior education and the participant’s responses. As such “prior education level” was not included in the final analysis. When answering items about religion, over a quarter of the participants identified as Catholic (n = 240), however, many of the participants stated they had “no religion or religious affiliation” or responded “other” (n = 469).

The Dependent Variable

First, a dependent variable “Perceptions of Policing” (Cronbach’s α = .89) was created from a series of six items (using a standardized Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree to 5 = Strongly Agree) regarding police recruit perceptions of professional engagement in relation to interaction with people identified by differences in race, ethnicity, and religions and interaction with people who are identified by gender and/or sexuality difference. During the construction of the dependent variable, we acknowledged that perceptions of engagement may vary in terms of participant responses to different characteristics, and as such, each of the items in this scale were based on previous items successfully used in police research (see the police recruit training research survey “PMC Police Survey” by Miles-Johnson et al., 2018).

The Independent Variables

To understand whether occupational attitudes shape officers’ perceptions of policing of people from diverse communities, scales were created as independent variables and grouped together as occupational attitude measures in the final analysis. Independent variables (using a standardized Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = Strongly Disagree to 5 = Strongly Agree) were created from items adapted from the police recruit training research “PMC Police Survey” by Miles-Johnson et al. (2018) and included attitude toward people from diverse communities “Attitude Scale” (six items, Cronbach’s α = .81), likelihood of losing temper while working with diverse groups “Temperament Scale” (six items, Cronbach’s α = .88), likelihood of using physical force when engaging professionally with people from diverse groups “Physical Force Scale” (eight items, Cronbach’s α = .91), likelihood of breaking rules relating to professional conduct “Rule Breaking Scale” (six items, Cronbach’s α = .69), the influence of supervisors in relation to detecting and reporting misconduct regarding unprofessional interaction with diverse groups “Supervisors Influence Scale” (four items, Cronbach’s α = .88), and the pride recruits feel in being an operational police officer within a large police organization “Job Pride Scale” (four items, Cronbach’s α = .71). To understand whether background characteristics shape officers’ perceptions of policing of people from diverse communities, the gender of the participants, the sexuality of the participants, the race of the participants, the ethnicity of the participants, and the participants age and religion were included in the model. The bivariate correlations of each of the variables used in the final analysis are presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

Bivariate Correlations.

	Attitude	Temperament	Physical force	Rule breaking	Job pride	Supervisors influence	Gender	Sexuality	Racial minority	Ethnic minority	Religion	Age
Perceptions of policing	−.198**	−.241**	−.257**	.180**	.352**	.575	.051	.008	−.017	−.054	−.075*	.045
Attitude		.494**	.424**	.103**	−.174**	−.175**	−.158**	.067*	−.013	−.010	.033	−.011
Temperament			.592**	.133**	−.150**	−.195**	−.116**	.103**	−.038	−.052	−.081*	−.008
Physical force				.187**	−.165**	−.220**	−.174**	.086**	.046	.032	−.012	−.039
Rule breaking					.062	.487**	.016	.023	.032	.056	−.006	−.056
Job pride						.280**	.003	−.018	−.060	−.018	−.082*	.052
Supervisors’ influence							.051	.003	.052	.045	−.077*	.047
Gender								−.113**	−.034	.039	.004	−.094*
Sexuality									.054	.053	−.074*	.023
Racial minority										.640**	.014	−.088**
Ethnic minority											−.020	−.058
Religion												−.031

Correlation is significant at the .05 level. **Correlation is significant at the .01 level (two-tailed).

OLS Regression

An OLS regression model was used to assess the ability of 12 measures (categorized into two groups—occupational attitudes and background characteristics) to understand perceptions of policing in relation to diverse community members. In this study, whether police recruit attitudes, temperament, use of physical force, adherence to rules, influence of supervisors, and pride in the job influence perceptions of policing while policing people from diverse communities categorized by variations in racial, ethnic, religious, sexual, and gender identities are analyzed. These measures were included in the final analysis since previous literature (MacVean & Cox, 2012; Miles-Johnson, 2016a; Miles-Johnson et al., 2018; Paoline et al., 2015) indicates that police perceptions of professional engagement are strongly influences by each of these variables.

Each of the variables was entered in the model in a predetermined order. Previous research determines that professional conduct is intrinsically linked to an individual’s attitude, and attitudes have a direct effect on temperament (see Conway, Slavich, & Hammen, 2015), and excessive use of force is influenced by attitudes and temperament as police officers react to different situations and within different contexts (Smith & Holmes, 2014). Rule breaking can often be an ongoing pattern of behavior once codes of professional conduct have been breached (Martin, Lopez, Roscigno, & Hodson, 2013), and negative attitudes expressed by senior officers during training (or in field operations) toward adherence to rules is also likely to serve as a trigger for displaced aggression and misconduct during police–citizen engagement, which often occur in negative contexts (Marcus-Newhall, Pedersen, Carlson, & Miller, 2000). As such the occupational attitudes group of variables was entered in the first block to determine whether they had a direct effect on officer’s awareness of policing of people from diverse communities. In the second block, demographic information was added to determine whether these variables also had a direct effect on officer’s perceptions of professional engagement with people from diverse groups.

Results

As the study is applied, unstandardized (B) coefficients (with standard errors [SEs]) are presented. After controlling for the influence of the occupational attitudes group of variables, the model consistently explained 33% of the variance of police officer’s perceptions of professional conduct when interacting with diverse community members. After entry of the background characteristics, group of variables the total variance explained by the model as whole was 34%, F(12, 909) = 38.11, p < .001. The six background measures explained an additional 0.7% of the variance in perceptions of professional conduct after controlling for all the variables in the final model, R-squared change = .007, F change (6, 909) = 1.62, p = .14. In the final model, five of the measures were statistically significant “Job Pride Scale” (B = .24, SE = .04, p < .001), and “Supervisors Influence Scale” (B = .76, SE = .05, p < .001) recording higher unstandardized (B) coefficient values than the “Temperament Scale”(B = –.07, SE = .03, p < .05), and “Rule Breaking Scale” (B = –.08, SE = .03, p < .05). The “Member of an Ethnic Group” variable (B = −1.3, SE = .53, p < .05) indicated that police recruits who identify as members of an ethnic group are more likely to be aware of negative influences on proper conduct (such as lack of pride in their work, negativity of senior officers toward policing diverse people, and likelihood of rule breaking) when policing members of diverse groups due to their own ethnic identity. The OLS regression analysis examining occupational attitude measures and background characteristics and whether these shape perceptions of policing of diverse community members is shown in Table 2.

Table 2.

OLS Regression Analysis Examining Occupational Attitude Measures and Background Characteristics and How These Shape Perceptions of Professional Engagement With Diverse Community Members.

	B	SE (B)	β	t	p	R ²	ΔR²
Occupational attitude measures
(Constant)	11.416	1.060		10.774	.000***
Attitude	−0.013	0.029	−.014	−0.435	.664
Temperament	−0.057	0.034	−.057	−1.666	.096
Physical force	−0.039	0.024	−.056	−1.654	.099
Rule breaking	−0.086	0.033	−.086	−2.610	.009**
Job pride	0.242	0.043	.156	5.576	.000***
Supervisors influence	0.769	0.050	.515	15.439	.000***
						.33	.33
Occupational attitude measures and background characteristics (final model)
(Constant)	12.588	1.631		7.716	.000***
Attitude	−0.009	0.029	−.010	−0.320	.749
Temperament	−0.070	0.034	−.070	−2.036	.042*
Physical force	−0.035	0.024	−.050	−1.466	.143
Rule breaking	−0.081	0.033	−.081	−2.442	.015*
Job pride	0.239	0.043	.154	5.491	.000***
Supervisors’ influence	0.764	0.050	.512	15.245	.000***
Gender	0.107	0.205	.015	0.522	.602
Sexuality	0.187	0.199	.026	0.938	.349
Member racial group	0.373	0.534	.025	0.698	.486
Member ethnic group	−1.338	0.528	−.090	−2.537	.011*
Religion	−0.022	0.020	−.030	−1.095	.274
Age	0.017	0.123	−.010	0.096	.923
						.34	.007

Note. OLS = ordinary least squares.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Discussion

At the beginning of a career in policing, recruit levels of pride in the job, work commitment, and empathy for others are often at their highest level (Bringsrud Fekjær, 2014). The results from this survey reflect this finding as most of the recruits have high levels of integrity, high levels of pride in their work, and a positive commitment to policing. Although it can be argued that some police officers hold explicit prejudices toward members of minority groups (Fridell, 2016), many officers enter policing with positive background characteristics, which intensify enthusiasm levels and shape positive views of police practice with all members of society (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). Certainly, the results in this study reflect this notion as the recruits’ demographic information suggests they come from diverse backgrounds, with most recruits expressing positive levels of pride in the job, positive perceptions of professional conduct, as well as negative perceptions of misconduct regarding policing of diverse groups.

Being able to decrease community complaints and reduce the incidents of biased policing is an ongoing challenge for police organizations around the globe. In the United States for example, where the historically strained relationship between police and racial groups is tensed, and recent fatal shootings of unarmed Black men and boys has increased tension between both groups (Spencer et al., 2016), the need for police organizations to refocus their attention on recruitment of officers possessing diverse background characteristics may play a vital role in reducing negative policing outcomes during times of police–citizen engagement. The lessons learnt from this Australian research are therefore relevant to many international police organizations regarding increasing number of officers with diverse background characteristics, particularly, in areas where diminished relationships between police and citizens are linked to police misconduct and where considerable media attention and calls for reform regarding police training have been made.

In addition, research argues that those who exhibit negative bias toward policing of certain groups of people will often express this in various forms of behavior resulting in misconduct, but this is also true of people who have negative levels of implicit bias as this can also manifest in various forms of misconduct (Fridell & Lim, 2016). Although implicit bias cannot explain all forms of discrimination displayed toward minority group members (Bertrand, Chugh, & Mullainathan, 2005), when implicit bias is directed to minority groups by police officers, the likelihood for disparate treatment increases (Smith, 2015). It is argued that if police organizations focus on updating officer knowledge regarding diverse communities and increase officer training in relation to professional conduct and misconduct, and awareness of professional standards, (thereby addressing bias) police practice during on-the-job performance will be more consistent (Miles-Johnson, 2016a).

The solution to positively increase police perceptions of professional conduct and reduce misconduct arguably starts in recruits being instructed well, with the right mentoring and training while at the academy, so negative perceptions of misconduct with diverse communities can be diminished (Miles-Johnson, 2016b). If attempts are not made to enhance police recruit perceptions of misconduct in relation to diverse community groups, it will not solve mistrust issues at the community level (Rowe & Ross, 2015). How the recruits respond to different situations and groups of people while enforcing laws and maintaining public order will depend largely on adherence to policies or supervision regarding professional conduct, the values they uphold, the workplace culture and practices gained during professional engagement, as well as levels of self-control (see Donner & Jennings, 2014).

Police-training programs such as the Fair and Impartial Policing (FIP) program in the United States target implicit as well as explicit levels of bias, training officers to reduce and manage levels of bias in scenario-based, use of force, judgment training situations (Fridell, 2016). This training is based on the idea that all people are influenced in their choices and actions by implicit bias but as police training happens away from public view, hypothetical, or staged performances of policing are likely to happen (Waddington, 1999). This suggests contrasting opinions of misconduct in relation to diverse community groups (expressed in either positive or negative ways) may not actually be exhibited similarly in public (such as in the academy) as they are in private when interaction with diverse members of society occurs. In addition, self-control in relation to the expression of bias toward certain groups may alter over time (Vohs & Baumeister, 2016).

Over the course of their careers, all police officers experience job-related stressors which may consciously and/or unconsciously shape an officer’s opinion or perception of others, thereby affecting professional conduct even if they are not consciously aware of their behavior changing (Fridell, 2016). Experiences gained throughout the course of a career may certainly shape an officer’s attitude toward misconduct with certain groups and individuals (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). Although the recruits are only at the beginning of their career and undertaking police training (and have not been placed in situations where misconduct may occur), they are already looking to senior officers to shape their perceptions of policing and impart knowledge regarding the experiences they will face as police officers. This has a considerable impact on recruit perceptions of policing and expectations regarding future interactions with certain groups of people (Miles-Johnson & Pickering, 2018). Although the results of this study indicate that the influence of senior officers on recruits is significantly associated with positive perceptions of conduct and negative perceptions of misconduct when policing members of diverse communities, the role of senior officers within the academy place them in a position of influential power. Although the influence of senior officers enables recruits to move psychologically and proactively from civilians to operational police officers, knowledge-sharing of police work has the potential to influence recruit behavior as leading by example can positive or negative depending on the knowledge being shared (Dunham & Alpert, 2015). The results of this study indicate that the influence of senior officers is significantly associated with positive perceptions of conduct and negative perceptions of misconduct when policing members of diverse communities.

Previous research by Johnson (2012), Sanders (2008), and Miles-Johnson and Pickering (2018) also suggests once police officers’ complete academy training they are delivered to their first post with an idealized perception of the job, which is usually shattered within a short amount of time spent alone with a veteran field training officer. As such, consideration of the selection of senior officers facilitating training, the type of career each has led within the organization, and the level of training each of these senior officers has received to instruct recruits are vital because recruits will mimic or absorb the attitudes, perceptions, and levels of professional competence demonstrated by senior officers and then field training officers (McCarty & Lawrence, 2016). The influence senior officers exert over recruits therefore can be transformative and highly influential in terms of increasing or decreasing recruits’ levels of bias toward policing certain groups, as well as their perceptions of professional conduct and misconduct during police engagement.

The results of this study also show that recruits possess positive perceptions of temperament and negative perceptions of rule breaking in relation to policing diverse groups of people. Although these results may be due to the fact the recruits are beginning their careers and are starting their profession with high-minded notions of integrity regarding the constraints of behaviors expected of them as a police officer, these are qualities many police organizations actively seek in the selection of recruits (Henson et al., 2010). The results therefore enhance the need for police organizations in Australia and around the globe to recruit more members of ethnically diverse populations. Although this argument has been made in numerous policing studies around the globe (see Birzer & Tannehill, 2001; Glasgow & Lepatski, 2012; Kane & White, 2009; Vodde, 2012), the results of this study specifically show that in an Australian context, police recruits who identify as members of an ethnic group are more likely to be aware of negative influences on proper conduct (such as lack of pride in their work, negativity of senior officers toward policing diverse people, and likelihood of rule breaking) when policing members of diverse groups due to their own ethnic identity.

This has important implications for police organizations in Australia as numerous police organizations around the world have strategically recruited members of diverse community groups to reduce negative encounters between police and minorities (Rowe & Ross, 2015), but it remains to be seen whether this type of tactical recruitment drive will have a positive impact on police misconduct in general and in relation to policing of diverse groups of people in Australia. Yet police recruits who identified as being a member of an ethnic group recorded significant results in relation to perceptions of proper conduct with members of diverse groups than other police recruits in this study; a result not hitherto found in the extant literature regarding Australian police and policing of minorities. In addition, this finding contradicted expectations because research by Hall, Everett, and Hamilton-Mason (2012) found that higher levels of pride in the job and awareness of professional standards were reported predominantly by people who do not identify as a member of a minority ethnic or religious group.

However, the small number of recruits who identified as a member of a racial or ethnic minority group in this research may have skewed the results, and conclusions drawn about how minority group identified recruits feel about policing, police work, and professional conduct need further research. It may be that minority group identified people (with more favorable attitudes toward policing and police work) become better or more professional police officers over the course of a policing career than majority group identified officers (see Lee & Gibbs, 2015). But this needs further research in an Australian context. Whether or not strategic recruitment of ethnic minority group members into the police in Australia will reduce police bias and community complaints over time, and whether awareness of professional conduct remains the same for the Australian ethnic minority identified police recruits (as well as the other recruits) over the course of their police careers is debatable, particularly, as police attitudes toward work are heavily influenced by police culture¹ and how officers cope with extreme situations when policing people from different groups (see MacVean & Cox, 2012; Miles-Johnson et al., 2018). Furthermore, as recruits’ transition from citizens to officers these levels decrease significantly during professional engagement and upon placement into professional police settings.

Limitations and Future Research

This study has several limitations. First, the training environment in the academy could have increased the levels of socially desirable responses from the recruits. It would be prudent therefore to replicate this study in the future to remove any effects of social desirability and to conduct a comparison study with officers in the field. Repeating the study during various times throughout the officers’ working lives could add further knowledge to this area and increase the generalizability of results. Second, the research was conducted with a sample of police officers in one police organization in one Australian state. Further research is needed in other police organizations across Australia to determine whether the findings of this study are representative of police officer opinions in general regarding perceptions of professional conduct and misconduct with diverse groups of people. Third, this study has not examined the effects of police culture on police attitudes and behavior, and the underlying and often negative nature of police operational culture (see Foster, 2003; Myhill & Bradford, 2013; Skogan, 2008; Stanko, Jackson, Bradford, & Hohl, 2012), particularly, in relation to how it may affect police officer attitudes and perceptions of conduct and misconduct. Fourth, qualitative research might also assist in uncovering the processes and experiences (such as other contextual conditions) that may influence police officer perceptions of professional conduct and misconduct with diverse groups of people. Despite the limitations, this study provides several important insights.

Conclusion

Police misconduct has serious outcomes for police organizations. It erodes confidence in the police and police organizations, and police and citizens alike pay the price of police misconduct. Misconduct is associated with negative perceptions of quality of contact, poor communication, and mistrust when interaction between citizens and police occurs. Police misconduct is complex, and dealing with misconduct over a long period requires police organizations to facilitate ongoing training and education in terms of police performance and awareness of professional conduct toward minority groups. Although most of the recruits in this study have high levels of integrity, high levels of pride in their work, and a positive commitment to policing, ongoing awareness training may modify negative occupational attitudes formed progressively and lessen the effects police culture has on officer perceptions of misconduct in relation to policing minority group members. The recruits’ demographic information in this study suggests they come from diverse backgrounds, therefore adapting awareness training to suit different background characteristics may also have a positive impact on recruit levels of implicit and explicit bias held toward groups of people because it is argued that if police organizations focus on updating knowledge regarding diverse communities and increase officer training in relation to misconduct and professional standards, police practice during on-the-job performance will be more consistent. In addition, police organizations must refocus their attention on recruitment of officers possessing diverse background characteristics as the results from this study suggest this may play a vital role in reducing negative policing outcomes during times of police–citizen engagement. Training programs enabling opportunities for recruits to identify situational factors that attract opportunities for misconduct starts with recruits being trained well with the right mentoring, which may therefore enhance or change perceptions of professional conduct and reduce the likelihood of misconduct occurring before police work begins. As such, the influence of senior officers on recruits’ perceptions of policing must not be ignored as the results of this study support the idea that senior officers may sway recruits’ perceptions of professional conduct (and misconduct) during police engagement. The results of this study also show that recruitment of more ethnically diverse people into policing is vital in Australia. The police recruits who identified as members of an ethnic group were more likely to be aware of negative influences on proper conduct (such as lack of pride in their work, negativity of senior officers toward policing diverse people, and likelihood of rule breaking) when policing members of diverse groups due to their own ethnic identity; a result not hitherto found in the extant literature regarding Australian police and policing of minorities. However, although this is an interesting outcome, this research also found recruits who do not identify as a member of a minority ethnic or religious group had higher levels of pride in the job and awareness of professional standards than other recruits, yet it remains to be seen whether these levels reduce negative encounters between police and minorities over time. Identifying strategies to maintain recruit perceptions of professional conduct with diverse groups of people throughout their careers (thereby reducing the likelihood of misconduct occurring) is challenging but not impossible, but it must begin at the academy during police awareness training.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Toby Miles-Johnson

Author Biography

Toby Miles-Johnson is a senior lecturer in the School of Justice,faculty of law,Queensland University of Technology (QUT),Brisbane,Australia. Toby received his doctorate of philosophy – Criminology from The University of Queensland. His current research considers inclusion and diversity within police organisations,and police officer perceptions of recruitment,retention,deployment and promotion.

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Policing Diverse People: How Occupational Attitudes and Background Characteristics Shape Police Recruits’ Perceptions

Abstract

Keywords

Introduction

The Current Study

Literature Review

Police Training, Recruits, and Misconduct

Background Characteristics

Occupational Attitudes: Police Culture and the Influence of Senior Officers

Data and Method

Study Design

The Sample/Population

The Dependent Variable

The Independent Variables

OLS Regression

Results

Discussion

Limitations and Future Research

Conclusion

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

Funding

ORCID iD

Author Biography

References