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Abstract

This paper uses the political economy framework to examine developments surrounding the establishment and structuring of Botswana Television since its introduction as a national broadcaster in 2000. The focus is to identify the broadcasting model for Btv, and establish whether PSB or SB would be appropriate for a national television in Botswana context. Data obtained through documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews showed that Btv has always been funded and structured to operate from either the Government Ministry of Transport and Communications, or the Office of the President. Consequently, the channel’s broadcasts are predisposed toward the ideologies of the ruling elites, than those of the public. Therefore, we argue that Btv should be re-structured and allowed to operate in the interests of both the state and public. Doing so could result in collective use of state media and safeguard against unnecessary government control. Thus, for developing contexts such as Botswana, we suggest a hybrid model of both PSB and SB.

Plain Language Summary

The focus is to identify the broadcasting model for Btv, and establish whether PSB or SB would be appropriate for a national television in Botswana context. Data obtained through documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews showed that Btv has always been funded and structured to operate from either the Government Ministry of Transport and Communications, or the Office of the President. Btv is a state-owned and controlled channel. Consequently, the channel’s broadcasts are predisposed toward the ideologies of the ruling elites, than those of the public.

Keywords

Botswana BTV national broadcaster television broadcasting state broadcasting political economy public service broadcasting

Introduction

National television broadcasters have been prioritized in many countries, servicing universal audiences in every society. Many national broadcasters founded since the colonialism periods have become dominant and accessible with widespread signal reach in a country (Arndt, 2019). Since national broadcasters offer information, entertainment, news, and current affairs content, they interest the public and influence public opinion, especially on issues of national concern. As such, governments have always been interested in broadcast media, thinking that it is a powerful tool that presents opportunities for them to control what they want people to know, thus influencing public perceptions.

Particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, national broadcasters face structural challenges that impact their performances (Heuva, 2010). Botswana Television, established in 2000, is no exception in this regard. Despite this, Botswana is generally renowned for its good democracy due to astute leadership, stable society, moderate economy, and impressive peaceful political climate (Nehrbass, 2020; Taylor, 2012). Since its introduction, Btv has remained the only national broadcaster in Botswana, with signal coverage spread countrywide. Because Btv was considered a vast national project, three major significant milestones led to its establishment over almost three decades since 1966, when Botswana gained independence. First, in the quest to develop State-owned media, the Botswana Government sought to consider the feasibility of a national television service. Expatriate consultants commissioned for this exercise advised the Botswana Government not to introduce a state television until transmission infrastructure and operations costs were manageable (Lawrence, 1978). As though heeding this advice, the Government of Botswana would only introduce Btv twenty-two (22) years later. Second, the Botswana Government considered it necessary to develop enabling infrastructures such as electricity, roads, and telecommunication systems, which were expected to ease the set-up and operations of the channel. Third, the Government developed the necessary and enabling media policy and regulatory frameworks. Following these, and when convinced regarding the feasibility of a national television channel, the Government then financed the television broadcasting equipment, studio facilities, and human resources, including producers and journalists, all of which were considered necessary for the day-to-day running of the channel. Btv was later launched as a national broadcaster, accessible throughout most parts of Botswana, with its broadcast in both Setswana (national language) and English (official language). Programming at the channel was dominated by imported foreign entertainment content, with less locally produced content such as news, current affairs, and government-produced programs. Btv was established as a government department and would receive funding from the government for its operations. Btv structuring led to the public views that the channel operated under the control of the State and that it’s programming was based on government instructions. Nonetheless, the State has maintained its position in Btv to facilitate the channel’s universal operations and ensure that it serves the interests of both State and the public.

Employing the political economy framework, this article assesses the establishment and development of Btv as a national broadcaster. It establishes whether state broadcasting (SB) or public service broadcasting (PSB) would be its most suitable model and make recommendations for possible reforms at the channel. The article aims to add to the literature on national television broadcasting in developing societies. Structured in six parts, the article starts with a brief discussion of the concepts of SB and PSB. In doing so, it references the establishments of national broadcasters, indicating that some of these faced state control challenges, leading to calls by several scholars to have them reformed from SBs to the most preferred PSBs, which would predominantly serve the interest of the public. Next is an introduction to the theory of political economy and then a short outline of the developments leading to the introduction of Btv. The focus is to explore the critical political and economic factors associated with Btv structurings, such as media ownership, operations, and market. The fourth part of the article presents a brief discussion of the structure, editorial control, and public access to the channel. The following section offers qualitative accounts of the indicative broadcast model for the channel. The final part of the article consists of discussions and recommendations for a suitable broadcasting model for Botswana and possibly other developing countries with similar contexts.

State and Public Service Broadcasting and the Suggested Reforms

To examine the making and development of Btv, it is necessary first to consider the broadcasting models for national television services and their developments. Many national television broadcasters are either SB or PSB models. SBs are government-owned, funded, and controlled media; those that would endure operational and editorial control of the State. SBs are limited in terms of the diversity of views, as they broadcast mainly content about government activities and fewer significant features associated with socio-cultural enfranchisement (Ayish, 2010). Castells (2013) argues that the networks that control communication and information in society gain power over the public. As also observed by Gehlbach and Sonin (2014), media ownership strongly affects media bias in democracy. This means any government’s intent to own national broadcasters as a strategy to control the media would, to some extent, limit democracy in society.

Mytton (2000, p. 28) suggests that African broadcasting is generally “centralized, national, and state-dominated.” According to Kaswoswe (2005), the state broadcasters face serious government control. An example is in Zambia, where efforts to transform state broadcasting were restricted by the “media-phobic state,” which is suspicious of the media’s possible exposure of its inefficiencies should the State forfeit its control of such institutions (Phiri, 2010, p. 133). Although many states had first introduced their national television within the SB framework, what has become apparent in the literature is that the dominance and state control of broadcasters have been weakening globally. Attributing this to the neo-liberal policies that have been introduced for the national broadcasters, the declines have been evidenced in some parts of Asia (Lim et al., 2019; Roy, 2011; Udupa, 2015), the Arab World (Zaid, 2018), Africa (Adegbola & Gearhart, 2019; Caiglia, 2016; Mano, 2016), and the Caribbean (Storr, 2011; Zweig, 2017).

To some extent, state televisions are expected to make a profit to fund their continued operations. Doing so leads to competition for advertisers between state-led and privately owned television stations. Also, organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank continued to advance reforms and advocate for necessary adjustments that might have reduced state broadcasting and offered minimal intervention of the Government in the media (Eko, 2000). Such organizations insisted that small states should liberalize their media structures to allow for media pluralism.

Although governments may continue to fund many PSBs, the PSBs are led and monitored by an independent board of governors who often consist of capable representatives from the public and State. Generally established to promote diversity in programming, PSBs offer a broad range of program genres and support democratic debates (Lowe & Hujanen, 2003). With PSBs, viewers are engaged as citizens through information, education, diverse entertainment, and involvement in public debates (van Dijck & Poell, 2015). Also, citizens’ involvements in PSBs influence the formation of balanced and communally beneficial public opinions (Fourie, 2013; Hendy, 2013). The “publicness” of PSB is its potency within today’s media systems (Ciaglia, 2016). The public-oriented media is the most suitable for broader society. A point advanced by Armstrong (2005) is that even when Government funded, PSBs can serve the public fairly if allowed to operate independently, outside of government control, and broadcasting diverse content, such as public dialog and debates. In this regard, the central premise of PSB is that it does not only pursue the interests of the elites in society, but its structuring and operations are subjected to a combination of socio-economic and cultural objectives of the public.

In Africa, PSB has been perceived as a better model for broadcasting than SB (Banda, 2007; Moyo & Chuma, 2010). Many African countries have attempted to transform SB into PSB to encourage media diversity in their societies. This is predicated on the views that media that operate independently and not controlled by governments is ideal for democracy; as such media would generally benefit the entire public (Chuma et al., 2017; Fombad, 2002; Matsilele et al., 2021). Nevertheless, there are reports that some African leaders may interfere with the operations of PSBs, and others lack the political will to transform state media or at least allow opportunities for diverse media channels in their countries (Duncan & Glenn, 2010; Matsilele et al., 2021; Moyo & Chuma, 2010). For instance, although SABC has been described as a torchbearer in Africa regarding its structure as a PSB, Duncan and Glenn (2010) concurred that the South African Government inhibited its mandate to predominantly serve the public. Analogous to this, Banda (2007) also reported that because the South African Government comprised domination of the African National Congress (ANC), which would vote for the SABC’s board in Parliament, it was conceivable that the channel served as a tool for publicity for the ANC. Chuma et al. (2017) also suggested that due to these sorts of challenges, South Africans continue to face problems of imbalanced access to the media and attempts by the elites to control the spread of information in society.

Obijiofor (2015, p. 51) has raised critical questions associated with PSB such as their “possible funding mechanism, key distinguishing factors between PSB and commercial broadcasting, roles of PSB in society, and how PSB adapts to the changing new technologies.” Other key challenges faced by PSBs include “declining budgets” and “audience fragmentation” (Collins et al., 2001, p. 3). In other studies, there have been reports of inadequate funding, mismanagement, and broadcasting of unattractive content at the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) (Alfred, 2019). The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation has also endured political control from Zanu PF—the ruling party in Zimbabwe, and would consequently provide an imbalanced broadcast of activities by the opposition parties (Chuma, 2018; Nkomo, 2018). In Tanzania, the State’s lack of political will has been seen as an obstacle to reforming PSB (Amani, 2014). It has also been reported that some national broadcasters have experienced reduced budgets from the governments, leaving them with no choice but to consider offering commercial services to finance their operations (Fürsich & Shrikhande, 2007; Milton, 2018). An example is SABC3 in South Africa, which occasionally does not realize profits as a commercial broadcaster (Milton, 2018). Another related example was also reported in India, where because of the drive to go commercial to finance their operations, the managers in India’s state broadcaster have been accustomed to entrepreneurship in the media (Fürsich & Shrikhande, 2007, pp. 120–121; Pashupati et al., 2003). As a result, commercial objectives at the state channel surpassed the media’s key media roles. The managers at India’s national broadcaster have ensured that commercial objectives prevail over equally critical social objectives of local content central to the developmental needs of these developing states.

Although PSB has generally been a preferred model over SB, there have been calls for its reform, especially in instances where broadcasters continue to endure challenges and get impacted by new media technologies (Brevini, 2010; Burri, 2015; Raats & Donders, 2015). Milton (2021) has recommended that in South Africa, where there are many television viewers and radio listeners dependent on PSB, alternative approaches should be initiated toward reforming SABC, so as to ensure it becomes inclusive and there would be choices for many of its audiences. While reflecting on PSB models and the potential to reform them and enhance their accountability roles in some African States, Mano and Milton (2020) recommend that PSBs should engage with civil society organizations, as doing so can prove fruitful to deepening public interests. Therefore, in consideration of the problems associated with the limitations of SB such as ownership and control by the State, and the challenges faced by PSB such as limited budgets and interference by the State, there is a need to explore how a national television should be structured in a developing country context.

An Overview of Political Economy Theory

The political economy (PE) of communication involves an analysis of the political and economic impact on the structural inequality in the production and consumption of media products (McChesney, 2014). This theory is based on the notion that in every society, some members have advantages over other (Graham, 2007). Political economists such as Schiller (1969), Smythe (2006), Herman and Chomsky (2011), and McChesney (1999) drew from the institutional and Marxian approaches to analyze the economic and political factors influencing the media and communication in society. PE research focuses on the political and economic dominance of the political elites and wealthy in society and how they control the media and use it to their advantages (Chiumbu & Radebe, 2020; Mosco, 2014; Wasco, 2020; Winseck, 2016). Central to the PE of communication are issues of ownership and control of the mass media. PE theory has been instrumental in understanding the principles and configurations that impact media operations, ownership, and funding. In their book, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, Herman and Chomsky (2011) developed a “propaganda model” that reflected market forces’ influence on media production and content. This is associated with what they called “media filters,” referring to processes that content has to pass through before it can reach audiences.

With the growing literature on PE of communication in Africa, scholars have sought to establish the interactive relationship between the State and media relations in society. For instance, in Nigeria, the Government exerted more influence on the State-owned broadcasters, accessed by most of the population, than the privately owned media (Apuke & Tunca, 2019). After studying broadcasting in Zimbabwe, Mano (2016, p. 190) argued that the State remains responsible for its media markets’ overall operations and structure. Munoriyarwa and Karombo (2021, p. 105) examined how “weaponization” of hate speech was used for political dominance in Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation television (ZBC TV). These practices are a result of the Government’s firm grip on the operations of ZBC. Otieno and Ndonye (2020) concluded that despite the abundance of media outlets in Kenya, politicians there prefer to own or control the media, giving them an advantage during politicking. In doing so, the leaders would ensure that they are predominantly featured on television.

Nevertheless, Nyamnjoh (2005) highlighted that the predominant appearance of African leaders on television is disguised along the democratic activities undertaken as part of national development. Nyamnjoh (2005) asserts that leaders shun dissenting voices because they control television operations. He continues to suggest that in Africa, the domination of the media by the political elites is more concerning than the media conglomerates. Ngwenya (2020) suggests that the institutional and political economy paradigms in the global south’s broadcasting media stemmed from colonialism to some extent. Then, different democratic setups in different countries would yield varied political and economic impacts associated with the structuring and operations of broadcasters. Wasco (2020) argues for more work employing critical approaches to examine the political and economic issues that implicate the nexus between the media and society. Tracing the development of BTV in Botswana, this present article explores how the State has structured the media and whether such structuring has implications for the management and use of the national television channel.

Methodology

The methodology for this study consisted of an analysis of secondary sources and semi-structured interviews. The choice to use two data collection methods was based on Creswell and Creswell’s (2018) suggestions that one method would update the findings from the other. Thus the validity of the data is enhanced. Whereas analysis of secondary sources of documents allowed researchers to assess change and continuity concerning the establishment, development, and structure of Btv, semi-structured interviews provided narrative accounts about the use, control, and editorial control at the channel. The documents reviewed for this study included consultants’ reports about the functions of government media, including the broadcast media, the draft broadcasting policy of 2006, the Broadcasting Act of Botswana of 1998, and the revised Broadcasting Act of 2004 and 2012. These were obtained as hard copies from the Botswana Government printer bookshop.

Semi-structured interviews are cheap to administer and ideal in situations when there is a need to probe and get independent thoughts from each individual interviewed (Adams, 2015; Bertrand & Hughes, 2017). The interviews were conducted with sixteen (16) participants comprising eight (8) media practitioners (television producers and journalists), four (4) government officials, and four (4) legislators (policymakers) in Botswana. Initially, media practitioners were contacted telephonically and through emails, informed about the study, and invited to participate. After that, the practitioners were asked to suggest other potential participants for this study from among government officials and legislatures. Once identified, the other participants were also requested to suggest others they thought would provide further insights on the editorial at Btv and, most importantly, their viewpoints regarding government use and control of the channel. The legislatures invited for this study were contacted based on their public commentaries about the media in Botswana. The government officials worked in the state media organs for at least 5 years (at least 5 years). The legislators included members from the ruling elite and the opposition political parties. The participants gave their consent and were guaranteed confidentiality and anonymity regarding the use of data from interviews with them. The questions asked during interviews sought the participants’ views regarding the ownership and use of Btv and the government and public involvement in the channel. Each interview lasted close to 1 hr; some were held at the interviewee’s offices and others at their homes. Conducted between July and September 2021, the interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and analyzed using thematic analysis.

Prior Planning for a National Television Service in Botswana

National television service was first experienced in Botswana in 2000 when Btv was launched. This was after continued discussions were held about the need for a national television service to augment the state media, such as Radio Botswana (RB) and the Daily News newspaper, both of which were introduced following Botswana’s independence in 1966. Prior to its launch, the only local television services available included the Gaborone Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) and two closed “circuit television services that were only accessible in the mining towns of Orapa and Jwaneng” (Lesitaokana & Mosanako, 2021). These channels could not provide television with nationwide coverage because of a lack of funding and inadequate broadcast equipment. In fact, at that time, broadcast television was only accessible to a few local high-income households in urban areas along the eastern part of Botswana. It was because those locals often accessed spillover signals from Multichoice’s M-Net and South Africa’s television channels such as Bophuthatswana Television (BopTV), TV1, TV3, and TV4 channels, and later South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) channels (Lesitaokana & Mosanako, 2021). Indeed, the lack of a dedicated national television channel and some locals’ dependency on foreign-based television implied an appetite for television content in Botswana society.

Significant developments leading to the establishment of Btv were noticeable from 1966 until 2000. For instance, the first decade following Botswana’s independence saw the government focus investments on installing critical infrastructures such as roads, electricity grids, and telecommunication lines connecting towns and large villages. Significant capital investments for these were acquired through local beef and mining exports, especially diamonds which have remained the mainstay of Botswana’s economy (Jerven, 2010). As some interviewees pointed out, the strategy to develop road, electricity, and telecommunication infrastructures was premised on the notion that Botswana has a vast geographic area of approximately 585,000 km² with a small, diverse population of close to 2.3 million (Statistics Botswana, 2022). With the infrastructure adequately completed, chances were that, as Interviewees #10 and #11 (both government officials) suggested, it would be possible for most citizens all over the country to access broadcasts from the national television service. In that way, the public would be served through the provision of the necessary information in the channel.

The Government of Botswana also considered it necessary to plan for a television service by developing media policies geared toward local broadcasting. In 1978, the government contracted Christie Lawrence, a British National, to establish the feasibility of national television and provide a guiding framework for state media operations. After careful assessment, Lawrence advised that before introducing a national broadcaster, the government should first consider securing capital for the project. He also recommended that the functions of State-funded media should include the public relations role of government that would not overturn the truth and that the channel should publish material that was critical of the Government (Lawrence, 1978, p. 147). In his report, Lawrence (p. 148) suggested, “… as long as the news and current affairs programs are regarded generally as providing a mouthpiece solely for Government, they will remain forever emasculate.” This indicates a view that supports with caution the media’s functions of government-funded media.

Following the consultants’ recommendation, the government decided in the 90s to introduce the regulatory frameworks and policies that would guide the establishment of a television service locally. The National Broadcasting Act (1998) was introduced in Botswana two years prior to the launch of Btv. Through its provisions, the Act omitted SB and indicated only three possible broadcast models—PSB, commercial, and community—for local television service. Perhaps the exclusion of SB in the legislation indicated that Btv would be provided as a PSB channel. It could also be argued that the exclusion of SB as the fourth type of broadcasting, the Broadcasting Act, reflects a policy-making process that ignores what would have been ideal for Botswana at that time. Eventually, the government established Btv as a national broadcaster fully funded and managed as a Government department. Similar to the situation in Zimbabwe (Mano, 2016), in Botswana also, the state has been responsible for the overall operations and structuring of a national broadcaster.

An Overview of Btv Structure Over the Years

When it was introduced, Btv was placed under the Department of Information Services (DIS), housed in the State Ministry of Presidential Affairs and Public Administration (MPAPA). Upon the introduction of a new Ministry of Communications Science and Technology (MCST) in 2003, Btv was moved from the MPAPA to the MCST, and the DIS was further split into two: the Department of Broadcasting Services (DBS) and the Department of Information Services (DIS) (Lesitaokana & Mosanako, 2021). When explaining the reasons for this move, the former legislator interviewed for this study explained:

A national channel needed to be moved from MPAPA to the relevant government ministry of MCST. The thinking was that Btv would be handled better there since the MCST was created to facilitate communication infrastructures and development in science and technology countrywide. (Interviewee #13).

Within the MCST, Btv received government funding for all its operations. At that time, the channel was obligated to provide government communication functions to its audience. Its functions in this regard led several media practitioners interviewed for this study to suggest that it epitomized an SB.

Btv remains focused on what the government does but never really projects any views about the government from members of society. (Interviewee #3).

Btv operates as a government information department. The channel follows the Head of State, his Cabinet, and government officials everywhere, broadcasting only their positive social involvement. (Interviewee #5).

It is no surprise that the media practitioners could recognize Btv functions, as they are professionals who understand the characteristics of both SB and PSB. The political and economic analysis of Btv indicates that for almost two decades, the Government of Botswana continued to fund and structure the operations of Btv. This involved appointing a station manager, who reported to the Permanent Secretary (PS)—the highest government official in the Government’s MCST, and the PS reported to the Cabinet Minister. Although Btv employees would be referred to as professionals—station managers, producers, journalists, and reporters within government—their actual positions were defined as “public officers” within Government (Interviewee #4), implying that they would operate first of all within the instructions of the State. Conceivably, they would be coerced to produce content skewed toward the government rather than the public. In 2009, following the reorganizing of the MCST into two new Government ministries: the Ministry of Transport and Communications (MTC) and the Ministry of Science and Technology (MST), Btv and other government media were moved to the Office of the President (OP) (Lesitaokana & Mosanako, 2021). When asked to explain the reasons for moving Btv to the OP, one of the government officials mentioned:

That was a deliberate move. Remember, the OP is the busiest office in the country, and Btv is supposed to be nearer where it would be required the most. Also, national television is an expensive project, so it was assured a substantial budget at OP. (Interviewee #9).

There is an indication that the State at the time considered that media was significant and should be controlled by the most powerful office of the President. One of the legislators from a political opposition party expressed that he was “shocked to learn that Btv was moved to the OP” and that he was worried that in that regard, “it would only serve the interest of the state.” (Interviewee #14).

Up until 2019, Btv remained housed in the OP. Consequently, Btv programming is dominated by the images and voices of the President, his Cabinet, and government officials. Alternative images and voices of opposition legislators, as well as members of the public, are limited in the channel. This indicates that by structuring Btv directly as a government department within a state ministry, the Botswana Government planned this to deliberately control the operations and use of the channel.

The Public’s Access and Use of Btv

Despite serving mainly the interests of the State, it remains apparent that the concerns regarding the functionality of Btv as a national channel have been for it to become widely accessible to members of the public who form its primary audiences market. Btv has over the years been accessible countrywide as a terrestrial, and some audiences can access it through Multichoice’s DStv. Following the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) decision that all broadcasters worldwide should migrate from analog to digital broadcasting by 2015, Botswana decided to migrate Btv signal transmission from analog to digital. This involved using specialized set-top boxes within the Integrated Service Digital Broadcasting (ISDB) transmission standard. Provided at a widely affordable price (approximately $US70), the set top boxes afforded Btv audiences “crisp clear picture quality and enhanced audio as a result of transmission through high-resolution, as well as value-added services such as interactivity features,” for which members of the audiences could access content and customize it to suit their tastes and needs (Mosanako & Lesitaokana, 2021, pp. 250–251).

Additionally, more efforts have been made during the last decade to increase the accessibility of Btv to a wide range of audiences through the Internet and mobile media technologies. Media producers at the channel concurred that sometimes they would take clips from the channel’s broadcasts that they deemed more significant and re-share them with members of the public via Botswana Government’s website at www.gov.bw and the Government’s Facebook page (BWgovernment). Also, Btv producers would use short messaging service (sms) communication via mobile phones to inform the channels’ viewers about any significant broadcast of broad national interest planned on the channel. When given examples of the sort of broadcasts that are shared in this regard, the media practitioners suggested incidents such as the President’s State of the Nation Address (SONA), particular communication, and breaking news from the government to members of the public. Other contents include health communication through the Government’s Ministry of Health about the COVID-19 pandemic, parliamentary debates on national issues, and sometimes live broadcasts of corruption court cases at the Botswana High Courts. In particular, broadcasts about the COVID-19 pandemic, which started to become prevalent on Btv schedules in February 2020, focused primarily on the government’s intervention programs in the fight against the pandemic.

Interventions to increase audiences’ access to Btv demonstrate the efficacy of the channel as a national channel. However, it remains worrisome that Btv broadcasts mainly government and public interest content. This limits Btv’s democratic role in Botswana society. With both government and public-focused programming content, Btv would be pluralistic.

Indicative Broadcasting Model for Btv

The viewpoints from interviewees revealed contrasting suggestions regarding the model for Btv. On the one hand, some media producers (interviewees #2 and #3) and government officials (interviewees #9, #10, and #12) contended that although Btv is part of the state-funded and operated media, it also has a public focused agenda as it has provided some entertainment programming. They stated that the government’s involvement mainly facilitates Btv operations but does not control programming. These views are premised on the Broadcasting Act (1998), which describes PSB as a “state-funded broadcaster, either in part or in full” (p. 3). Also, interestingly, these study participants expressed that they do not find any problem with how Btv is structured and operates. They contend that programming on the channel should be the prerogative of the station manager and media practitioners, not the government. As regards a national broadcaster, the participants suggest that it can be a part of the state media significantly beneficial to promote developmental goals by broadcasting government policies and development-oriented content. However, it is free to include among its programming public-centered content. According to the participants, in doing so, the broadcaster also services members of the public, and the orientation of its communication is projected mainly from ideologies government officials. Accordingly, two of the participants stated thus:

Btv sufficiently broadcasts government policies that are aimed at improving the lives of Batswana. This is why we ensure that the channel maintains nationwide coverage so that all members of society can watch it. (Interviewee #2).

Btv producers go to the government and public offices searching for newsworthy incidents, and the government has yet to come to us. So we’re the ones who select the news and not the government. (Interviewee #5).

The participants also acquiesced that Btv is a national project which should receive funding from the State. One of the government officials also acquiesced that “if the channel is encouraged to become independent it may not be possible for it to self-sustain.” (Interviewee #3).

On the other hand, views from media practitioners, and some legislators from the opposition parties insisted that Btv operates as an SB. According to these participants, the operations of Btv over the years, particularly its structuring and programming, are evidence that the national broadcaster is an SB. One of the legislators remarked:

Btv should open up and be sincere to the public, stop being defensive, and share their mandate with the public, especially whether it is a government or a public-oriented service. (Interviewee #16).

Some study participants contended that Btv has always been state-funded and state-controlled and has been used to facilitate government communication for the ruling elite. They believe that the government’s decision not to include Btv within the media regulated by the Communications Regulatory Act (2012) may lead to confusion about the station’s identity as SB or PSB. The study participants also expressed concerns that the Government of Botswana appears to have taken advantage of Btv (Interviewees #7 and #15) and now uses it mainly for their benefit. As has been the case in other African states, this practice by leaders to disguise the overuse of broadcasters along democratic undertakings has long been observed by Nyamnjoh (2005). The viewpoints of participants suggest that Btv operates as a State-controlled channel.

The study participants concurred that they desire a national television that is widely accessible and one that provides communication that serves both the interests of the State and the public. The participants also clarified that even though the government should fund the desired channel, in no way should government funding not influence, such as the channel should remain autonomous.

An Apposite Model for Btv

This study examined the structure, associated use, and development of Btv as a national television broadcaster in Botswana. Our analysis of data indicated that although the licensing frameworks in Botswana included PSB, the government decided to snub PSB and instead fashioned the operations and structuring of its national television within the SB model, and it is not included within the Communications Regulatory Act (2012). This underscores a suggestion by Mytton (2000) regarding the state-ownership and domination of African broadcasters. Indications showed that before its introduction, Btv was expected as a PSB. Interestingly, when established and developed, Btv operated as a SB. This is despite the suggestion that in Africa PSB is a better model for broadcasting than SB (Banda, 2007; Moyo & Chuma, 2010). Also, editorial content at Btv has been skewed toward the interests of the State. This is despite the recommendations in Lawrence’s report and the provisions of the Broadcasting Act (1998) for a PSB model. Ensuring that Btv has operated outside the National Communications Regulatory Act (2012) for over two decades demonstrates the propensity of the Botswana Government to design broadcasting regulations to its benefit. Btv’s struggle to serve public interests has been identified as a challenge, and as in many parts of Africa, political interference is one of the reasons for this struggle (Gehlbach & Sonin, 2014). Whereas the dominance and state control of national broadcasters have been weakening in some parts of the world (Adegbola & Gearhart, 2019; Caiglia, 2016; Lim et al., 2019; Mano, 2016; Udupa, 2015; Zaid, 2018; Zweig, 2017), in Botswana the situation does not seem to improve. As such, there needs to be more balance between the government and the public regarding the use of the channel. This is because similar to what was observed in Zambia (Phiri, 2010) and Zimbabwe (Chuma, 2018; Nkomo, 2018) regarding the use of national broadcasters, the Government of Botswana also, in particular, the national executives of the ruling party officials use Btv to gain more power over the public. Therefore, there is a need to reform national broadcasters (Fourie, 2013; Heuva, 2010), including Btv. However, what is the desirable broadcasting model for a national broadcaster in Botswana between SB and PSB?

According to study participants, a widely accessible channel such as Btv, funded through the government but autonomous while also providing communication that serves both the interests of the State and the public, is most desirable in Botswana. This view is related to a suggestion by Matsilele et al. (2021) and Chuma et al. (2017) that media, which operate independently and not controlled by governments is ideal for democracy. A hybrid model was supported by media producers and government officials who wanted the channel to serve the government’s interests and communicate policies and by other study participants who were concerned about the control and over-use of the channel by the State and desired more public interest programming. As McKenzie (2006) suggests, the connection between the State and the public in how media is facilitated and structured should be facilitated with complete autonomy. Hence, a hybrid model that adequately serves the State and members of the public and is regulated by the National Communications Regulatory Act (2012) is significantly ideal. The socio-economic and democratic contexts in Botswana already present the adequate foundation for a hybrid model for the national television broadcaster. Such hybridization for Btv should be premised on clear funding mechanisms and operational policy directions and governed by a board of reliable representatives from the State and the public.

Conclusion

This article examined the making of Btv as a national broadcaster in Botswana and contributes to the global literature on television broadcasting. The findings suggest that, unlike some African States, Botswana has snubbed PSB. Instead, Botswana has opted for a state-controlled, more government-focused channel through its operations and content. The political economy analysis of Btv structuring and use indicate that whereas Btv was expected as a public-centered media, there is a concentration of the views of the ruling elites. In this regard, the prevalent broadcasting model visible is the SB. This study demonstrates that in developing contexts such as Botswana, where media pluralism remains a problem, national broadcasters should be predicated on democratic ethos. The government’s grip on the channel should be lessened, and through its service, it should warrant a collective use by both the State and the public. These suggestions point further to a hybrid model of both SB and PSB. This study indicates that Botswana, an exemplar of good governance in Africa, has made deliberate efforts by the government to use State-funded national television to its advantage and influence its agenda. However, this study used semi-structured interviews and analysis of secondary sources of data; a content analysis of Btv programming may provide rich data. There is a need for related studies in many developing nations with distinct contexts, as these studies may indicate varied contexts. Such studies could employ mixed methods approaches to examine how national broadcasters are structured and how their make-up influences the use and operations of the channels.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research,authorship,and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

William Ofentse Lesitaokana

Data Availability Statement

The data that supports the findings of this study are available on request from the corresponding author.

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