Abstract
Recognizing that girls’ education is not only a right, but a protective factor for preventing a range of adverse sexual and reproductive health outcomes, including child marriage and early pregnancy, research, programming, and policy in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) has for many years been directed toward increasing girls’ educational enrollment and success. Such efforts recognize that the benefits of education may be undermined by factors operating at different levels, including in the school environment, which may discriminate against girls in particular, such as the inadequate provision of appropriate water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) facilities (Mensch, Clark, Lloyd, & Erulkar, 2001).
More recently, the issue of menstrual hygiene management (MHM) has become a focal point for research and action to address girls’ health and education in LMIC (Sommer, Hirsch, Nathanson, & Parker, 2015). Much of this attention has focused on the barriers posed for girls’ education by inadequate MHM information and support provided to girls, and poor WASH infrastructure in schools (Sommer, Caruso, et al., 2016; Sommer, Hirsch, et al., 2015; Sommer & Sahin, 2013). The latter includes the many ways that a lack of safe, private, and clean toilets, with doors and locks, easy access to water, and mechanisms for disposal of used menstrual materials, may be hindering girls’ active participation and engagement in school. Although significant evidence documents the shame, embarrassment, and discomfort that many girls report experiencing in attempting to manage their menstruation in school environments, empirical evidence is still lacking on the most effective approaches for intervening on the WASH aspects of MHM, and appropriate measures to use for capturing the social and psychological impacts of inadequate school environments for menstruation (Hennegan & Montgomery, 2016).
Along with a growing interest in addressing physical factors in the school environment that undermine girls’ ability to effectively manage menstruation at school, individual knowledge and interpersonal dynamics and social norms around girls’ bodies also constitute promising entry points for improving girls’ health and educational outcomes. Individual and interpersonal factors that relate to MHM may have important ripple effects, given that research has identified early adolescence as an important but underaddressed period for preventive health interventions (Bankole, Biddlecom, Guiella, Singh, & Zulu, 2007; Blum, Bastos, Kabiru, & Le, 2012; Brady, 2011; Igras, Macieira, Murphy, & Lundgren, 2014; Patton et al., 2012). By intervening to build girls’ and boys’ knowledge and skills in ways that reflect gender equitable social norms, and provide accurate, age-appropriate health information, interventions can build healthy habits at a pivotal time of physiological and social development.
The provision of puberty education to very young adolescents has been identified as a promising tool for reaching young people at a window of opportunity before they initiate high-risk sexual behaviors (Bankole et al., 2007; Igras et al., 2014). Such efforts may also address gaps in family-level factors shaping girls’ health and education. Research from various contexts, including LMICs, suggests that very young adolescents often
Along with constituting a potential form of early intervention in the broader arena of sexual and reproductive health outcomes, puberty education materials that address the immediate concerns that girls face around menarche and menstruation may be of critical importance on their own. Studies across various LMICs, including Ethiopia, have found that for many girls, the experience of menarche is imbued with fear and shame (Mason et al., 2013; McMahon et al., 2011; Sommer, Ackatia-Armah, Connolly, & Smiles, 2015; Tegegne & Sisay, 2014). Girls have reported fearing that blood is a sign of injury or illness (Sommer, Ackatia-Armah, et al., 2015). Many girls have also reported hiding the onset of menstruation because they anticipate punishment from family members who associate menstruation with sexuality or as a sign of sexual activity (Mason et al., 2013; McMahon et al., 2011; Sommer, Ackatia-Armah, et al., 2015; Tegegne & Sisay, 2014). Such findings underscore the need for interventions that fill gaps in girls’ (and caregivers’) knowledge, address misconceptions, as well as harmful taboos or social norms related to menstruation.
In many LMICs, including Ethiopia, students encounter only poor quality education on puberty and MHM. As one United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO, 2012) review of national sexuality education curricula in countries in Eastern and Southern Africa found, menstruation was among the topics where content was weakest: Curricula tended to present menstruation solely in negative terms and provide little practical guidance on MHM. Furthermore, evidence from Ethiopia suggests that schools do not deliver even the minimal content that is required under official education policy. For example, in a recent national survey of Ethiopian young people (ages: 12-24 years), just one in four respondents reported having received health and family life education (Population Council, 2010). This and other studies from Ethiopia have found large proportions of girls who report learning either misinformation or nothing at all about menstruation prior to reaching menarche (Population Council, 2010; Tegegne & Sisay, 2014). Across such studies, Ethiopian girls and boys alike report frustration with available sources of information, including low levels and poor quality of communication on reproductive health-related questions with parents (Ayalew, Mengistie, & Semahegn, 2014; Shiferaw, Getahun, & Asres, 2014; Tesso, Fantahun, & Enquselassie, 2012).
In response to the gap in puberty guidance identified in Ethiopia and other LMICs, books that reflect scientifically accurate information and girls’ voiced experiences of the onset of menstruation have emerged as a promising tool for filling girls’ gaps in knowledge and countering stigma and local misconceptions around menstruation (Sumpter & Torondel, 2013). The books offer a potentially scalable approach in countries that often have education systems with teachers that may be uncomfortable teaching on taboo topics, such as menstruation, and undermotivated to add content if it is not part of the national testing requirements. In addition, such books may provide girls with the opportunity to enhance their literacy through reading about a subject matter of profound interest to many of them. However, there exist few quantitative measures of the effectiveness of such books in improving girls’ MHM experiences in school. In addition, context-specific information on menstruating girls’ experiences at home and at school remain insufficiently understood, along with their impressions about the provision of puberty and MHM content in book form.
In an effort to better understand the possibilities of a simple distribution of a puberty book to girls, with no additional human capacity (e.g., teacher involvement) investment needed, we conducted a small, rigorous evaluation encompassing the distribution of one such book, the Ethiopia version of the girl’s puberty book
We drew on an ecological framework of adolescent health to locate our assessment within the context of the individual, interpersonal, institutional, community, and policy-level factors that shape menstruating girls’ MHM practices and school-going experiences (Blum et al, 2012). The ecological framework locates issues of health behaviors and outcomes as shaped by many factors at distinct, yet interrelated levels, while underscoring the importance of interventions that are both focused on
Research Setting
The pilot study was conducted in rural schools in two districts in the West Shewa zone of Oromia region (Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia, 2014). Oromia is characterized by high levels of poverty, and significant health and education challenges (Save the Children, 2013). Just 3.2% of adult women have completed primary education, and more than one in five children are malnourished (Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia, 2014). As in other regions in Ethiopia, girls in Oromia continue to attend primary school at lower rates than boys, and only small minorities of boys and girls alike continue on to secondary school (Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia, 2014).
Method
Intervention
The Ethiopia edition of
Research Design
The evaluation used a mixed-methods approach. As Creswell (2003) notes, combining quantitative closed-ended measures with open-ended, qualitative approaches are well-suited to study issues in which the gathering of both generalizable information from a large set of participants, and exploring local, context-specific meanings, relevance, and social context, offer important additional insights. For the quantitative portion, we used a cluster-randomized trial design. Based on established guidance (Hemming & Marsh, 2013), an a priori power analysis for a
In order to avoid the risk of contamination across study arms, we randomly assigned one district to intervention and one to control. Schools that had at least 25 girls enrolled in Grades 6 and 7 combined and that were accessible by road were eligible to participate. Once such schools were identified, we randomly selected 20 schools from a list of those fitting our inclusion criteria. Within each school, all girls enrolled in Grades 6 and 7 and present on the day of the survey were eligible to take part in the study. However, only questionnaires completed by those girls who were present at both pre- and posttest were included in the final analysis (
In addition, a smaller group of girls in intervention schools (
The research team developed quantitative and qualitative instruments adapted from existing evaluations of puberty education materials, including (unpublished) quantitative and qualitative prior assessments conducted of the Tanzania edition of
In addition, we used a checklist to record information of each school’s environment at baseline. The checklist included direct observation of sanitation facilities (e.g., availability of gender segregated latrines, quality of construction materials and/or water sources, as well as cleanliness, measured in terms of visible waste, odor), along with school data such as enrollment by grade and gender, number and gender of teachers, and average time that it takes most female students to walk to school. This information was used to ascertain the ratio of girls (or, where no gender-specific latrine was available, both boys and girls) to latrines. The study team also revisited latrine facilities to verify that no major changes to quality had occurred between pre- and posttest.
We defined a 4-week follow-up period for the evaluation based on what was feasible given the timing of the Ethiopian school year, as well as the challenges in accessing rural schools during the rainy season.
The study received ethical approval from the [University name removed for blind review] Institutional Review Board and the Ministry of Education for the Oromia region of Ethiopia. Informed consent and assent were acquired before all data collection activities.
Data Collection
The pretest was conducted over a period of 2 weeks in classrooms without teachers present. A research team that included a Columbia University Mailman School of Public Health researcher and local SCI staff fluent in Afaan Oromo visited each school, distributed paper copies of the questionnaire, and read the questionnaire aloud in English and in Afaan Oromo. This was intended to assure that all girls, including those girls with lower literacy levels, were able to comprehend the questionnaire. The full procedure took approximately 45 minutes. After the pretest, books were distributed to all of the participants in the intervention schools. Girls were encouraged to read the books, but were not asked to study the material as they would for a test.
After 4 weeks, the research team returned to all of the schools to administer the posttest. In the intervention schools, two items were added to the posttest questionnaire in order to assess girls’ actual use of the books: (a) how many times the girl had read the book, and (b) to whom, among friends and family, each girl had shown the book.
Following the posttest administration of the survey, the research team conducted qualitative data collection in each of the intervention schools. We used a purposive sampling approach to identify students who would represent a diversity of experiences, while also being able to communicate their views in writing. In each school, we asked the head teacher to identify four or five girls each from Grades 6 and 7 (
Sociodemographic Characteristics and Menstrual Practices.
Quantitative Measures
The assessments are based on a 40-item, self-administered multiple-choice questionnaire. The questionnaire included items that elicited basic sociodemographic data, including whether girls had experienced their first menstruation. It also captured the girls’ opinions about school latrine facilities and their suitability for MHM, prior exposure to information on menstruation and the source of that information, and data on the materials and facilities girls typically used to manage their menstruation.
We measured girls’ knowledge of and attitudes toward menstruation and the physiological changes associated with puberty based on a series of nine true/false questions. These items specifically addressed concepts included in
We measured knowledge/attitudes based on a score on the nine-item series. One point was awarded for each correct answer (for the knowledge questions) and each answer that indicated more positive attitudes toward pubertal changes and menstruation (for the attitude questions); the total range of possible scores was 0 to 9. The scale had a Cronbach’s alpha of .77, indicating adequate reliability. We calculated change scores by subtracting the participants’ pretest knowledge/attitudes score from their posttest knowledge/attitudes score. The full possible range was −9 to 9. Positive scores indicate positive change in knowledge and attitudes toward menstruation.
In addition to the knowledge/attitudes score, we also measured changes in feelings of fear or shame about menstruation using two items with dichotomous response options—“Does the idea of menstruating make you feel afraid or shameful?” and “Is talking about menstruation something that is shameful for you?” At posttest, girls in the intervention group were also asked how many times they had read the book and to whom they had shown it.
Data Analysis
Quantitative analysis
A total of 679 participants completed the pretest questionnaire and 670 completed the posttest. Analysis was conducted for those participants who completed both a pre- and posttest (
In order to account for the clustering within schools, we used a mixed-effects linear regression analysis to determine whether the book intervention had an impact on the girls’ knowledge surrounding menstruation. The dependent variable in this analysis was the change in scores from pretest to posttest across the nine-item series of knowledge questions. The independent variable was belonging to the intervention (=1) or control (=0) group. In this method of analysis, higher change scores indicate a higher score on the posttest; and negative scores indicate that girls scored lower on the posttest than pretest. We adjusted analyses for age, mother’s education, father’s education, and grade in school. This model was not adjusted for baseline (pretest) scores on the knowledge test, as doing so with change scores as the dependent variable in this model would introduce error into the estimates. A fuller discussion of this is in Allison (1990) and Maris (1998).
In addition, we used mixed-effects logistic regression to compare the intervention and control groups on girls’ feelings of shame and fear toward menstruation. Smaller odds ratios (ORs) indicate that girls were less likely to report feeling fear or shame toward menstruation. We adjusted analyses for age, mother’s education, father’s education, and grade in school.
Qualitative analysis
We utilized thematic analysis to identify the major themes in the girls’ responses in written responses and to analyze the transcripts from the teacher interview transcripts. One researcher conducted an initial analysis to identify the frequency of repetition of responses to each question, and organize similar responses into key themes. For the second stage of analysis, two researchers reviewed the resulting responses and discussed to reach a consensus on the most common and salient themes.
Results
Girls
Sociodemographic information and background
The vast majority of girls in both groups were members of the Oromo ethnic group. Parents’ education was low, as most girls in both control and intervention sites reported that both parents had either a primary education or no education at all. More girls reported that their mothers had no education compared with their fathers. The girls in the control group reported lower overall education of their mothers, χ2 = 13.38,
Puberty and MHM-related knowledge, attitudes and practices
The mean change score for all participants was 0.67, with a standard deviation of 1.53. The change scores ranged from −5 to 6. The average change score for girls in the intervention group was 1.06, with a standard deviation of 1.52; the average change score for girls in the control group was 0.18, with a standard deviation of 1.4. Using change scores on the nine-item scale to measure knowledge, we found evidence that the book had a positive effect on girls’ knowledge about menstruation (Table 2). The intervention group had on average a 0.88 higher change score than the control group, meaning that their scores increased by a bit less than 10% more than the control group’s from pretest to posttest. The effect size (Cohen’s d) of this change was 0.6, which is considered a medium-sized effect. Furthermore, we used change scores to account for the higher scores among the control group at baseline. However, while the control group began with significantly higher scores on the knowledge-related variables, that significant difference was gone by posttest. This indicates that the intervention group improved, while there was no change in scores of the control group.
Multivariate Mixed-Effects Linear Regression Results for Association Between Intervention and Change Scores for Knowledge About Menstruation.
Age, father’s education, grade level, and mother’s residence in the home were not significant predictors of change from pretest to posttest. The only family background variable statistically significantly related to change in knowledge was mother’s education, and this was in a negative direction. That is, girls whose mothers had any primary education had lower change scores.
In addition to the gain in knowledge, analysis of the two attitudinal variables suggested that the book had a positive effect on girls’ attitudes regarding menstruation. At pretest, 73.6% of the girls said that the idea of menstruating made them feel afraid or fearful, and approximately half (50.8%) said that talking about menstruation was something that was shameful to them. At the posttest, girls in the intervention group were less likely to indicate that they felt fear regarding menstruation (OR = 0.70, 95% CI = [0.51, 0.95]) or shame (OR = 0.61, 95% CI = [0.38, 0.96]) than girls in the control group. However, girls’ reported comfort with managing menstruation at school did not improve between pre- and posttests for either group.
Girls’ responses to the qualitative questions (Table 3) indicated, overwhelmingly, that the book had a positive impact on their knowledge and comfort with discussing the physiological changes associated with puberty, including menstruation. In general, girls tended to agree that “all parts” of the book were important, either providing information that was new to them or providing a helpful, affirming presentation of known information. Responses further followed three broad themes:
Selected Quotes From Girls in Intervention Sites.
Reduced shame and confusion about puberty and menstruation
Many girls praised the book because it made clear that menstruation and puberty are “natural processes” common to all girls, about which they should not feel shame. Several also cited specific examples of bodily changes, such as menarche and the development of public hair, which they had previously found confusing or upsetting, now made sense. Some remarked that thanks to the book, they now had a better understanding of how to manage menstrual bleeding.
Overcoming secrecy around menstruation
Many girls said that the book helped them “feel free” when discussing menstruation because it was a natural process. Several girls remarked that the book helped them to understand that it was acceptable to ask questions about menstruation, including to their mothers. Many girls further articulated the importance of removing the shroud of secrecy that is pervasive within their families and communities around the topic of menstruation. In response to one question on who
Insufficient support and knowledge about menstruation and pubertal changes from other sources
Girls’ responses to questions on what they found useful about the book in general, as well as
Notably, no girls wrote “negative” responses to the open-ended questions exploring their opinions about the book and its relevancy (or not) for others in their communities. In response to one question that specifically asked what they did
Observation Checklists
School enrollment ranged from 320 to 1,400. One school enrolled students in Grades 1 to 6, while 19 schools included Grades 1 to 8. While there were two schools with more girls enrolled than boys, boys accounted for majorities (between 55% and 60%) of students in the remaining schools. In each school, a majority of teachers were male, and one school had no female teachers at all.
Across both intervention and control schools, latrine facilities were of poor quality. Although most schools in both districts had separate facilities for boys and girls, girls’ facilities lacked features such as locks on the inside of the doors to preserve girls’ privacy, or a place to discreetly dispose of soiled menstrual materials. In addition, the ratio of students to latrines was typically greater than 100:1, and in some schools, it was as high as 500:1. Facilities were generally dirty and in disrepair, with visible waste present on the floor of nearly all latrines. Just five of the 20 schools involved in the study had a reliable supply of water of any kind on school grounds, and none had water in or adjacent to the latrines.
Discussion
Despite holding promise for filling important gaps in girls’ current levels of puberty and MHM knowledge and understandings, there have not been rigorous efforts to quantify the effects of puberty books for girls. Therefore, our key finding—that the simple distribution of the Ethiopia girl’s puberty book to a large sample of girls in Ethiopia had a positive effect on girls’ levels of knowledge regarding puberty and menstruation—is notable. Our qualitative findings underscore the lack of girl-friendly resources on such topics and the potential for even a minimally intensive intervention to dispel taboos and misconceptions around menstruation. This was evidence in the three interconnected themes of
The findings indicate that the distribution of
As girls’ responses indicate, this intervention can provide girls with basic developmentally appropriate health education, such as improved knowledge and reduced shame, and potentially facilitate communication between girls and the adults in their lives. In this way, the findings suggest that
Interventions that build knowledge are, however, often insufficient for reshaping behaviors and practices. Both the research team’s observations and the girls’ reports noted that school sanitation infrastructure was of poor quality. This may explain why no improvement was observed in girls’ reported measures of comfort with managing menstruation at school. Girls’ responses to questions about how they handle used materials at school reflect key challenges in sanitation infrastructure. For example, nearly 20% of girls reported
Girls’ self-reported experiences of MHM and its relationship to school participation are broadly consistent with other research from Ethiopia, as pain and lack of appropriate supplies has been reported elsewhere to hinder girls’ ability to comfortably attend and participate in school (Population Council, 2010; Tegegne & Sisay, 2014). Past studies in Ethiopia have highlighted additional challenges, such as girls’ fear that male classmates will tease them if they are seen handling sanitary pads that are distributed in school (Tegegne & Sisay, 2014). In our study, several girls suggested that sharing the books with boys might be useful for helping to improve boys’ understanding of girls’ experiences with puberty and menstruation. Likewise, given that all schools had overwhelming majorities of male teachers—and one school had no female teachers at all—the social environment in schools may itself serve as a further barrier to girls’ comfort discussing issues of puberty or menstruation during the school day. Such findings serve to underscore the importance of building an enabling social environment for adolescent girls’ health and well-being through interventions that incorporate measures to address both girls’ and boys’ information gaps and underscore the importance of healthy gender dynamics (Haberland, 2015; Lailulo, Susuman, & Blignaut, 2015; Svanemyr et al., 2015). At the same time, they reflect the highly gendered nature of both social and structural dimensions of school environments.
Overall, the findings suggest the importance of the application of the ecological model to the challenge of menstruation and puberty for girls as part of the adolescent developmental experience and transition to young adulthood. The evaluation identified positive individual-level effects of a relatively narrow intervention (e.g., girls’ levels of knowledge and shift in attitudes), while also underscoring the limiting influence of environmental (poor sanitation facilities) and community (potential for female teacher support) levels. There are possible interpersonal level (positive peer support) benefits from distributing the books to girls to read on their own or with friends, siblings, and family members; however, this was not specifically assessed in our study.
Along with evidence that girls in many contexts have a strong and, as yet unmet, interest in straightforward, accessible information and guidance on menstruation, programmers and policy makers have shown an interest in ascertaining how the provision of puberty and MHM guidance may impact girls’ levels of confidence in managing their menstruation in school, and their perception that menstruation is a natural, and not a negative, event (Sommer & Sahin, 2013). The provision of puberty education provides one such opportunity. Approaches that focus on equipping girls with an understanding of the physical and social changes associated with puberty can help to build the knowledge, skills, and confidence they need to make healthy transitions to adulthood (Haberland & Rogow, 2015; UNESCO, 2013; Vandenhoudt et al., 2010). The changes documented in this evaluation suggest that
Limitations
The study had some limitations that are important to note. First, a larger than expected proportion of girls were older than the designated age for grade. Many girls had begun menstruation already while the book is ideally intended for premenarcheal girls. As a result, girls may have entered the study with a higher level of knowledge on menstruation than anticipated, thereby lessening the effect of the books. Second, although books were carefully field tested with 10- to 14-year-old Ethiopian girls prior to printing and approval to assure the content was appropriate for the literacy levels of girls in Grades 5 and 6, we did not conduct individual literacy assessments or seek to ascertain whether girls fully comprehended the book content beyond the survey itself. Finally, the relatively short follow-up period necessitated by the school year and rainy season (4 weeks) limited the potential for identifying any longer term potential impact on MHM practices. Given that previous research has found a delayed effect, with changes in practices only observed at a longer time interval, evaluations with longer follow-up periods are needed (Montgomery, Ryus, Dolan, Dopson, & Scott, 2012).
Recommendations
The evidence provided here suggests that distributing
Given the findings that
We recommend exploring the effect of an intervention such as
As the ecological framework that shapes our approach suggests, we strongly endorse exploring interventions that act to address multiple, specific factors shaping girls’ education and health outcomes. However, we also recognize that less intensive interventions, particularly ones in resource-poor areas, or interventions that need to target large numbers of children, may yield strong positive results. Our approach—simply distributing books and suggesting that girls take them home and read them—yielded a positive effect. This finding holds promise for a simple intervention to achieve positive effects at scale, particularly under conditions where more comprehensive programming may not be feasible.
In sum, the findings here clearly show that high-quality culturally appropriate puberty books can achieve marked improvements in girls’ knowledge and attitudes around menstruation and its management, even in environments where social support and school sanitation infrastructure are severely constrained. While this alone is not sufficient to address the complex, multilevel barriers to MHM, our findings fit with the ecological approach, identifying a very specific intervention for building individual-level knowledge and improving attitudes around MHM.
